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Clinical Psychology Review 26 (2006) 796–812Diversity in adjustment of maltreated children:Factors associated with resilient functioningMary E. Haskett ⁎ , Kennard Nears, Caryn Sabourin Ward, Andrea V. McPhersonNorth Carolina State University, United StatesReceived 16 September 2005; received in revised form 3 February 2006; accepted 3 March 2006AbstractMany decades of research indicate that physical abuse and neglect are associated with substantial risk for maladaptation acrossmany developmental tasks of childhood, adolescence, and adulthood. Recent investigations, however, indicate that in spite ofelevated risk for negative outcomes, some abused and neglected children demonstrate relatively positive adjustment and success indevelopmental tasks. An overview of studies of resilient functioning among maltreated children is provided, and results indicatethat although a proportion of maltreated children do appear to be resilient to harsh and inadequate caretaking, resilient functioningmight be short-lived and/or limited to single areas of functioning. A summary of factors associated with resilient functioningamong abused and neglected children is provided. Such factors include individual child characteristics (e.g., self-regulatoryprocesses), features of the child's family context (e.g., supportive parenting), and experiences in the broader environment (e.g.,close friendships). Methodological considerations and recommendations for further research are provided, and implications of thisliterature for clinical and policy applications are presented.© 2006 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.Several decades of research have documented adverse consequences of maltreatment for children's developmentalstatus and psychological adjustment. The knowledge base generated by that research has been instrumental in progresstoward effective interventions for maltreated children. Also important for developing successful treatments, however,is an understanding of diversity in adaptation among maltreated children. Past research has largely ignoredheterogeneity in the quest to identify group differences between abused and nonabused children. In spite of that generaltrend there is a literature emerging that indicates some children with a history of maltreatment demonstrate relativelypositive adjustment and even competent functioning in spite of the experience of maltreatment. This research isvaluable because studies of resilience in the presence of adversity can inform clinical practice and policy. Indeed,interventions specifically designed to enhance factors associated with resilience have been designed in recent years(e.g., Cowen, Wyman, Work, & Iker, 1994; Winslow, Sandler, & Wolchik, 2005).In this review, a developmental perspective on risk and resilience (Sroufe, 1990) served to organize a literature thatis disjointed in terms of theoretical frameworks. According to organizational models, development is hierarchicallyordered such that early patterns of adaptation shape a child's success or failure in meeting subsequent developmentaltasks. Although the organizational model implies continuity in adaptation over time, there is opportunity for children to⁎ Corresponding author. Department of Psychology, Campus Box 7650, NC State University, Raleigh, NC 27695, United States.E-mail address: mary_haskett@ncsu.edu (M.E. Haskett).0272-7358/$ - see front matter © 2006 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.doi:10.1016/j.cpr.2006.03.005

M.E. Haskett et al. / Clinical Psychology Review 26 (2006) 796–812797shift their general developmental trajectory given intervening experiences. Consistent with an organizationalframework, resilience has been defined as “good adaptation under extenuating circumstances and, from adevelopmental perspective, meeting age salient developmental tasks in spite of serious threats to development”(Masten & Reed, 2002, p. 76).To inform readers of the typical developmental progress of maltreated children, we provide a brief overview of thedisturbances abused and neglected children demonstrate as they strive to meet early developmental challenges. Next,reported rates of resilience among maltreated children are summarized. We then turn to a description of factorsassociated with competent adaptation or resilient functioning among maltreated children. The focus of this review ispeer-reviewed studies of resilient functioning among children who have experienced physical abuse and/or neglect,although some samples included victims of sexual abuse as well. Studies that included only sexually abused childrenwere excluded because reviews of resilience among those children were already available (e.g., Wilcox, Richards, &O'Keefe, 2004). The majority of research included was designed specifically to examine factors associated withresilience, but there are also relevant studies that address predictors of diverse functioning among maltreated children.Most of the latter studies were process-oriented investigations designed to identify mediators of the relation betweenmaltreatment and various developmental outcomes.1. Ability of maltreated children to meet developmental tasksA primary developmental task of infancy and early childhood is the formation of attachment relationships withcaregivers; quality of those relationships is associated with subsequent competence in social and emotional functioning(e.g., Parke & Ladd, 1992). Because the context in which maltreated children strive to develop early relations withparents is one of conflict, social isolation, and limited resources, it should not be unexpected that maltreated childrenshow insecure attachment patterns (Morton & Browne, 1998) and a confused, conflictual pattern of relatedness toparents (Shields, Ryan, & Cicchetti, 2001). A second early developmental task is to gain the ability to monitor,understand, and modulate affect in emotionally arousing situations. Parents shape their children's self-regulatoryfunctions by warm and sensitive care giving and through models of emotion expressivity and affect regulation(Contreras & Kerns, 2000). Given poor quality attachment combined with limited discussion of emotion (Shipman &Zeman, 1999), and high rates of parental stress and depression (Whipple & Webster-Stratton, 1991) in the homes ofmaltreated children, it follows that emotion dysregulation would be evidenced among those children. In fact,distortions in affective processes of maltreated children are evident as early as infancy (Gaensbauer, 1982), and by theage of 30months maltreated children tend to show a deficit in the ability to communicate their own affective states(Cicchetti & Beeghly, 1987). Abused children show related difficulties in recognizing, understanding, and respondingappropriately to the emotions of others (Cummings, Hennessy, Rabideau, & Cicchetti, 1994; Klimes-Dougan &Kistner, 1990).In combination, relatedness to others and integration of regulatory processes that occur during early childhoodcontribute to the development of autonomy, intrinsic motivation, and internalization (see Ryan, Deci, & Grolnick,1995). A substantial literature indicates that harsh, unsupportive, and unresponsive parenting practices can result inobstruction of children's autonomy (see Harter, 2003). As would be expected, maltreated children are characterized bya host of problems related to disturbances in autonomy and development of the self, including such internalizingsymptoms as somatic complaints, depressive symptoms, and suicidal ideation (Kolko, 1992; McGee, Wolfe, & Wilson,1997). Furthermore, children and adolescents who have experienced maltreatment tend to report lower self-esteem(Gross & Keller, 1992) and more hopelessness and external locus of control (Cerezo & Frias 1994) compared tononabused youth.Another stage-salient task of childhood is to navigate the transition from relatively unstructured home or center careto elementary school. Given demands for self-regulation in school settings and the importance of involved parentingfor school success (Shonk & Cicchetti, 2001), it is reasonable to expect that many maltreated children would not besuccessful in the transition to school. In fact, maltreated children are described by teachers as less ready thancomparison children to learn in school (Hoffman-Plotkin & Twentyman, 1984) and as showing poorer work habits(Erickson, Egeland, & Pianta, 1989). On broad indices of academic success, maltreated children are more likely toreceive or be referred for special education services (Shonk & Cicchetti, 2001), experience more frequent graderetention (Rowe & Eckenrode, 1999), and drop out at a higher rate than nonabused children (Leiter & Johnson,1997).

798 M.E. Haskett et al. / Clinical Psychology Review 26 (2006) 796–812A critical task of early school-age years is to establish positive relationships with peers, which are highly predictiveof subsequent adjustment during adolescence and adulthood (Parker, Rubin, Price, & DeRosier, 1995). Becauseparent–child relationships play a central role in children's ability to establish positive peer relations (Cicchetti, Lynch,Shonk, & Manly, 1992), abused and neglected children should be at risk for social maladjustment and peer rejection.Indeed, young abused children tend to be less socially skilled (Darwish, Esquivel, Houtz, & Alfonso, 2001) and are lesswell liked by peers (Haskett & Kistner, 1991) compared to nonabused children. Abused children also show a host ofdisturbances in social information processing operations, such as hostile attributions for peer's intentions and limitedproblem solving skills (Dodge, Pettit, Bates, & Valente 1995; Price & Glad, 2003). Finally, a serious difficultyassociated with peer relations of abused children is high rates of aggression and other externalizing problems (Jaffee,Caspi, Moffitt, & Taylor, 2004).In summary, extant literature provides compelling evidence that maltreatment is associated with risk across many ofthe major developmental tasks of childhood. Given (a) significant risk for maladaptation in negotiation of early stagesalienttasks, (b) the coherence with which adaptation tends to be organized, and (c) the multiple risks that co-occurwith maltreatment (e.g., poverty, domestic violence), it seems that there would be little hope of maltreated childrendiverging from a negative developmental trajectory. However, recent investigations indicate that in spite of incrediblerisk for maladjustment, a small proportion of abused and neglected children show evidence of relatively positiveadjustment and success in developmental tasks.2. Rates of resilience among maltreated childrenDespite a plethora of studies on resilience conducted over the past two decades there is no consensus as to itsdefinition, and forming an operational definition of resilient functioning is a challenging task. Investigators mustdistinguish between factors defining resilience and factors related to resilience, select types and number ofsources of data to use, choose scoring criteria to indicate resilience, and determine when to measure resilience.Decisions on these issues can impact reported rates of resilient functioning and identification of protectivefactors. Rates also vary by characteristics of the children (e.g., age, gender) and typology of adversity. Someresearchers have defined resilience as positive adaptation relative to the adaptation of the full sample ofmaltreated and at-risk children (e.g., Cicchetti & Rogosch, 1997). Other investigators have defined resilientfunctioning as achieving success on developmental tasks (e.g., Farber & Egeland, 1987) or obtaining scores onnormed measures that were indicative of positive adaptation (e.g., Sagy & Dotan, 2001). As will be evident fromthis summary, wide variability exists in rates of resilience among maltreated children both across and withinstudies.Kaufman, Cook, Arny, Jones, and Pittinsky (1994) were specifically interested in varying rates of resilience basedon the method used to define resilient functioning. Participants included 56 maltreated children aged 7–12years. Theauthors defined resilience as the absence of pathology as measured by children's self-reported competence, parent andteacher reports of child adjustment, and standardized achievement scores. Cutoff scores for resilient functioning werebased on norms for each measure. Rates of resilient functioning varied by measure, domain of functioning, anddefinition of resilience. Only 14% of children met the criteria of resilience for social competence, 27% met the criteriafor low clinical symptoms, and 38% met the criteria for academic achievement. A full 45% were not resilient on any ofthe three broad domains. If the definition of resilience was a high level of functioning on all three domains, very few(5%) would have met the criteria.Cicchetti et al. have designed some of the most sophisticated studies to examine resilient functioning amongmaltreated children. First, Cicchetti, Rogosch, Lynch, and Holt (1993) examined features of resilience in a sample of127 maltreated children and 79 disadvantaged nonmaltreated children 8–13years of age. A composite of adaptivefunctioning was created for each child based on seven indices (using reports of parents, camp counselors, and peers;self-reports; and school records). Indices included prosocial behavior, disruptive–aggressive behavior, withdrawal,depression, internalizing and externalizing problems, and school risk (e.g., attendance, disciplinary actions). Childrenwere categorized into levels of competence based on the number of indices for which they were functioning wellrelative to the full sample (i.e., in the top third). Maltreated (18%) and nonmaltreated (22%) children were equallyrepresented in the high functioning group. However, a much larger proportion of maltreated children (43%) thannonmaltreated children (26%) were in the low functioning group. While 22% of maltreated children were not highfunctioning on any index, most were competent on at least one of the seven indices.

M.E. Haskett et al. / Clinical Psychology Review 26 (2006) 796–812799A second study of Flores, Cicchetti, and Rogosch (2005) was designed to examine resilience among 76 maltreatedand 57 nonmaltreated disadvantaged Latino children (mean age 8.2years). Using a multi-method assessment, nineindicators of functioning were measured, including prosocial and cooperative behavior, aggression and fighting,withdrawal, disruptive behavior, shyness, and internalizing and externalizing problems. Children were classified ashigh functioning if they met criteria for success on at least six indicators and as low functioning if they met criteria onone or no indicators. A significantly greater proportion of maltreated children (39.5%) than non-maltreated children(19.3%) was in the low functioning group. Moreover, only 9.2% of maltreated children were high functioning, whichwas significantly lower in comparison to the proportion of nonmaltreated children (17.5%) labeled high functioning.Finally, Cicchetti and Rogosch conducted two studies to examine diversity in functioning among elementaryschool-aged maltreated children over a 3-year period. The first study (Cicchetti & Rogosch, 1997) was an assessmentof resilient functioning among 213 maltreated and nonmaltreated low-income children who attended a summer camp.In addition to the measures used by Cicchetti et al. (1993), children completed a relatedness scale to assess perceptionsof their relationship with their mother. Camp counselors gave reports of the quality of the counselor/child relationship.For each year of the study, an adaptive functioning composite was created based on the same seven indices used byCicchetti et al. (1993). Children were assigned to either the high- or low-functioning group based on adaptivefunctioning over the 3-year period. Significantly more maltreated children (40.6%) than nonmaltreated children (20%)were members of the low functioning group. More nonmaltreated children (10%) than maltreated children (1.5%) werehigh-functioning. Only 9.8% of the maltreated children were functioning competently in any single year of the study.The second study (Rogosch & Cicchetti, 2004) involved an assessment of diversity in personality organizationamong 211 abused and nonabused children 6years of age at the initial assessment. Camp counselors completed a Q-sortto derive a score for each of the Big Five personality dimensions for each child. Cluster analysis revealed five distinctsubgroups of children who shared a similar pattern of personality dimensions; the pattern of two clusters (i.e.,“Gregarious” and “Reserved”) was similar to the pattern of Resilient groups identified in other studies. Although themajority of maltreated children (69.6%) were in the less adaptive clusters, some (30.4%) were members of theGregarious and Reserved clusters (65.8% of nonmaltreated children were members of those clusters). There wasevidence of stability in personality characteristics through age 9.Several other researchers examined the resilient patterns of maltreated children using longitudinal designs. Farberand Egeland (1987) examined features of resilience using data from the Mother–Child Interaction Project, a study ofmaltreated and comparison children followed from birth to adolescence. The authors defined child competence assuccess on the following developmental tasks for each assessment period: attachment at 12 and 18months of age,autonomous functioning at 24months of age, self-awareness and socialization at 42months, and peer relations andsocialization in preschool. Although maltreated children were less competent than comparison children at each of theassessments, some maltreated children were functioning well (e.g., 53% were securely attached at 12 and 18months).Rates of competence varied widely by time and by domain of functioning. For example, 40% of maltreated childrenwere competent on a problem-solving task at 24months, but only 22% were competent in peer relations at thepreschool assessment. Unfortunately, many maltreated children who were adapting well at one assessment perioddeclined at the next assessment. Not a single child was resilient across all developmental tasks.In the Lehigh Longitudinal Study, Herrenkohl, Herrenkohl, and Egolf (1994) and Herrenkohl, Herrenkohl, Egolf,and Wu (1991) examined resilient functioning among abused and neglected youth. The original sample included alarge number of abused and/or neglected children aged 18months to 6years and a comparison sample of nonmaltreatedchildren. Follow up assessments occurred in elementary school and late adolescence. At the initial assessment, childrenwere considered resilient if they received scores in the top 40% of the full sample on three composites of adaptivefunctioning (cognitive/academic, social, and emotional functioning) created from a teacher report scale. Resultsindicated that 25 of the 88 resilient children had a history of being maltreated. Rate of resilient adaptation amongmaltreated children was 13% (rates for nonmaltreated children were not reported). In late adolescence, 61% of theresilient maltreated children had graduated from high school or were still in school at the time of the assessment. Thuslong-term resilience, as defined by continued school attendance, did not persist over time for all of the maltreatedchildren.Fluidity in adjustment was also evident in a 3-year prospective longitudinal study conducted by Bolger andPatterson (2003). The investigators explored functioning of 107 maltreated children ages 8–10years. Positiveadaptation was defined as scoring one standard deviation from the full sample on social preference, teacher ratings ofinternalizing and externalizing problems, and scores on achievement tests. During at least 1year of the study, nine

800 M.E. Haskett et al. / Clinical Psychology Review 26 (2006) 796–812maltreated children (8%) were identified as having positive adjustment in at least one domain. That rate is comparableto the rate reported by Flores et al. (2005) and consistent with the rate of children who showed resilient functioning in atleast 1year of Cicchetti and Rogosch's (1993) study. A composite of adaptation was created based on the four domainsassessed, and children with composite scores at or above the median for the full sample were considered resilient.Using this definition, 21% of maltreated children were identified as resilient during at least 1year of the study, which iscongruent with the rate reported by Cicchetti et al. (1993). However, only five maltreated children (4%) wereconsistently well adjusted across all years of the study.Finally, using retrospective methodology, McGloin and Widom (2001) examined resilience among adults whoexperienced maltreatment as children. At the time of the interview, the 749 participants ranged in age from 18 to41years. Resilience was defined on the basis of eight domains of functioning including employment and housingstatus, educational attainment, level of social activity, mental health status, presence/absence of substance abuse andcriminal record, and self-reports of violence. Each participant received a score of zero (not successful) or one(successful) for each domain. Participants were categorized as having a resilient pattern if they scored a 6 or higher onthe composite. Results indicated that 22% of the maltreated individuals were resilient, a rate comparable to thatreported by Bolger and Patterson (2003) and Cicchetti et al. (1993). As was the case in other studies, rates of positivefunctioning on individual domains varied widely (19.3% for successful employment; 74.4% for avoidinghomelessness).To summarize, percentage of maltreated children identified as resilient varies widely within single studies and acrossstudies. It is clear however, that a small to moderate proportion of maltreated children tend to be competent in one ormore developmental tasks during at least one period of time. Based on global indices of resilient functioning, thepercentage of maltreated children functioning competently ranged from none to approximately 20% of the sample.Rates of resilience for developmental tasks of adulthood might be higher (McGloin & Widom, 2001). Rates also arehigher for specific domains of functioning. In general, resilient functioning is less common among maltreated childrenthan among children who have experienced other familial adversities. To illustrate, Luthar, D'Avanzo, and Hites (2003)found 35% of children whose mothers were characterized by substance abuse exhibited competent functioning basedon a psychiatric diagnostic interview. Owens and Shaw (2003) found that 40% of low-income children were welladjusted, defined on the basis of behavioral adjustment and social skills. Past research indicates that there arecumulative effects of family adversity on children's adjustment (e.g., Appleyard, Egeland, van Dulmen, & Sroufe,2005); thus, low rates of resilience among maltreated children may be due to the fact that abuse often co-occurs withother risk factors such as poverty, parental substance abuse, and marital violence.3. Protective factors and predictors of diversity in adjustment for maltreated childrenUsing a developmental framework, protective factors have been defined as variables that “moderate the effects ofindividual vulnerabilities or environmental hazards so that the adaptational trajectory is more positive than would bethe case if these protective factors are not operational” (Masten et al., 1990, p. 426). Over the past few decades,investigators have identified numerous attributes and experiences that contribute to competence among children at riskfor maladjustment. For purposes of organizing this review, we borrow from the ecological perspective on childdevelopment (Bronfenbrenner, 1979) and divide those factors into child attributes, features of the family environment,and community resources. It is important to note, however, that this distinction is highly contrived becausecharacteristics of children are heavily influenced by environmental factors; in turn, children shape family, peer, andcommunity contexts through reciprocal and transactional influences (Cicchetti & Toth, 1997).3.1. Individual child attributes as protective factorsPersonal characteristics of children have been examined more frequently than any other source of individualdifferences in studies of resilience among maltreated children. Cognitive ability is one of the attributes most stronglyassociated with resilience among several populations of at-risk children (Luthar, 1991), but evidence for the protectivenature of intelligence for maltreated children is scant. Cicchetti et al. (1993) found that receptive vocabulary, used as anindicator of cognitive ability, predicted scores of maltreated children on a broad adaptive functioning composite. Theeffect was only marginally significant, however. The same measure did not predict resilient functioning among Latinomaltreated children (Flores et al., 2005), perhaps due to low validity of the instrument for Latino samples. Cicchetti and

M.E. Haskett et al. / Clinical Psychology Review 26 (2006) 796–812801Rogosch (1997) found that cognitive ability of high functioning children (maltreated and disadvantaged children,combined) was significantly higher than the cognitive ability of other groups. However, regression analyses indicatedthat cognitive ability was not a significant predictor of 3-year adaptive functioning for maltreated children. Finally, theprotective function of intellectual ability was examined in the Lehigh Longitudinal Study of maltreated children(Herrenkohl et al., 1994; Herrenkohl, Herrenkohl, Rupert, Egolf, & Lutz, 1995). An assessment of intellectualfunctioning in elementary school showed high functioning maltreated children could be discriminated on the basis oftheir IQ scores from those who were less successful. At the high school follow up, competent adolescents (i.e., thosewho had avoided drop out) had average or better than average IQ scores. It should be noted that even though IQ was aconsistent predictor of outcomes in these studies, it tended to be a less powerful predictor than SES and parentingbehaviors.Processes by which intelligence serves a protective function for children are not well understood. The relationbetween IQ and adaptation is likely mediated by a host of complex factors, such as academic engagement andmotivation. Shonk and Cicchetti (2001) examined the potential mediating influence of academic engagement as well associal competency and ego-resiliency in the path from maltreatment to success in academic and behavioral domains.The sample consisted of 229 children aged 5–12years; 146 children had experienced at least one type of maltreatment.Results indicated scholastic competence, cognitive competence, academic effort, self-direction, and motivation (i.e.,components of academic engagement) accounted for much of the association between maltreatment and academicmaladjustment. Social competence and ego-resiliency accounted for the link between maltreatment and behavioraladjustment.Cicchetti and Rogosch (1997), Cicchetti et al. (1993) and Flores et al. (2005) designed three other studies to examinethe role of ego-resiliency in adaptation of maltreated children. Ego-resiliency referred to children's capacity to adjusttheir emotional and behavioral responses as a function of demand characteristics of a given situation. Ego control wasdefined as the ability to monitor and modulate one's feelings. Results of all three studies indicated that both aspects ofself-regulation predicted individual differences in successful adaptation in the presence of maltreatment. Additionalwork in the same research lab indicated that emotion regulation abilities mediated the link between maltreatment andsocial competence (Shields, Cicchetti, & Ryan, 1994), and cognitive controls and understanding of negative affectmediated the impact of maltreatment on the quality of peer relationships 3years later (Rogosch, Cicchetti, & Aber,1995). Consistent throughout this research is the strong influence of self-regulatory capacity on individual differencesin outcomes for maltreated children.Related to self-regulatory skills and autonomy is a sense of personal control over events and relationships. A strongsense of personal control is protective for children at risk for maladjustment due to a host of negative life experiences(e.g., Luthar, 1991), including maltreatment. To illustrate, Bolger and Patterson (2001) explored the role of perceivedinternal and external control in outcomes for elementary-school aged maltreated children. Results indicated thatinternal control interacted with maltreatment status to predict internalizing symptoms. Specifically, higher internalcontrol was associated with fewer internalizing symptoms for maltreated children (but not for nonmaltreated children),supporting the protective nature of internal control. Post hoc analyses indicated that children who had experiencedmaltreatment at an earlier age reported lower levels of perceived internal control than did children with a later age ofonset of maltreatment.The potential protective influence of locus of control was also examined by Moran and Eckenrode (1992). Theinvestigators were interested in whether locus of control orientation and self-esteem protected against depression for 33physically and/or sexually abused girls 12–18years of age. Results indicated that self-esteem and locus of control forpositive, pleasant events interacted with maltreatment status in predicting depression. Specifically, maltreatedadolescents with high self-esteem and an internal locus of control for positive events reported levels of depressioncomparable to that of control participants. In addition, age at which maltreatment occurred was related to self-esteemand locus of control. Specifically, adolescents who experienced maltreatment before the age of 11 reported lower selfesteem,lower internal locus of control for positive events, and higher levels of depression compared to adolescentswho experienced maltreatment after the age of 11. Such findings highlight the complex operation of protective factors,which likely interact with other factors such as features of the maltreatment experience.Contrary to Moran and Eckenrode's expectations, an external locus of control for negative events was not protectivefor maltreated children. Heller, Larrieu, D'Imperio, and Boris (1999) suggested that perhaps an external locus ofcontrol specifically for the maltreatment experience, but not for other negative events, would predict resilience tomaltreatment. Several researchers in the area of child sexual abuse have found that, indeed, abuse-specific attributions

802 M.E. Haskett et al. / Clinical Psychology Review 26 (2006) 796–812predict individual differences in adjustment (Spaccarelli & Fuchs, 1997; Wolfe, Gentile, & Wolfe, 1989). McGee et al.(1997) tested the degree to which attributions for maltreatment experiences would contribute to individual differencesamong maltreated adolescents. Severity of maltreatment of 160 adolescents and attributions of blame for thoseexperiences were measured by interviews with the adolescents. Results indicated that attributions made a significantcontribution to self-report of internalizing problems even when controlling for severity of maltreatment. Five types ofattributions were measured; self-blaming affect attributions contributed the most unique variance to outcomes. Theauthors described those beliefs as similar to feelings of “shame” examined in other studies, which differed from feelingsof responsibility for the abuse itself.Brown and Kolko (1999) also explored relations among abuse and attributions. Their sample consisted of 70children ages 6–13years who had experienced physical abuse or harsh physical force. Global attributional style andattributions for specific abusive events were assessed using multiple measures. Levels of anxiety, depression, andbehavior problem symptoms were indicators of functioning. Results indicated that both global attributional style andabuse-specific attributions accounted for significant variance in functioning beyond the variance accounted for byabusive parenting. In addition to attributional style, Brown and Kolko (1999) examined aspects of social informationprocessing as predictors of functioning. Specifically, they measured (a) attributions maltreated children held for thebehavior of peers and (b) the ability of maltreated children to generate solutions to peer problems. Results indicated thatattributions of hostile peer intent contributed incremental variance to abuse-specific fears (but not to globaladjustment), beyond the variance accounted for by severity of abuse. However, children's problem solving skills wereunrelated to adjustment.Those same two social information processing operations (i.e., attributions of intent and problem solving) wereexamined by Price and Landsverk (1998) as indicators of individual differences among 124 maltreated children ages5–10years. Results indicated caregivers' reports of social competence, but not behavior problems, were predicted bythe degree to which the children attributed hostile intent to peer behavior. Price and Landsverk (1998) posited that thelack of relation between intent attributions and behavioral problems could have been due to the fact that behaviorproblems were measured by broadband scales; attributional biases have been related in past research specifically toaggression. In contrast to the findings of Brown and Kolko (1999), problem-solving skills were predictive of bothsocial competence and behavior problems.In summary, findings indicate that several features of maltreated children's cognitive and social cognitive processeshave been linked to individual differences in adjustment and to resilient functioning. Many of those features involvemaltreated children's views of self and their self-regulatory processes, including ego-control, ego-resilience, selfesteem,perceptions of control, attributional style, and social problem solving ability. Of particular interest is the findingthat children's beliefs about their experiences of maltreatment contributed to their psychosocial adjustment even whencontrolling for characteristics (e.g., severity) of the abuse itself. Finally, child characteristics related to indicators ofschool success include cognitive ability and academic engagement, although support for the role of cognitive ability issomewhat mixed.3.2. Protective factors in the family environmentIt has long been known that parenting practices within the social context of childrearing are important predictors ofchildren's adaptation from infancy through adolescence (e.g., Booth, Rose-Krasnor, McKinnon, & Rubin, 1994).Because abusive parents are characterized by low parental warmth and sensitivity and high negativity andintrusiveness, one might assume that dimensions of parenting would not be related to positive adaptation for abusedchildren. However, there is in fact variation among abusive parents in many aspects of parenting (Haskett, Smith Scott,& Ward, 2004). So, it is possible that parenting behaviors might influence the degree to which maltreated children aresuccessful in achieving developmental tasks.Egeland et al. have contributed a great deal of knowledge regarding the impact of parenting and the parent childrelationship on outcomes for maltreated children. For example, Farber and Egeland (1987) followed 44 maltreatingmothers and their children from birth until the children were preschool age. At the 12-month assessment, mothers ofsecurely attached (i.e., “successful) maltreated infants were more sensitive to the infants' cues in comparison to thelevel of sensitivity demonstrated by mothers of anxiously attached maltreated infants. Mothers of attached maltreatedinfants at 18months of age scored lower on hostility in comparison to the level of hostility exhibited by mothers ofanxiously attached maltreated infants. At 42months, mothers of competent children were providing better quality

M.E. Haskett et al. / Clinical Psychology Review 26 (2006) 796–812803instruction, giving more emotional support, and showing greater respect for autonomy in comparison to the parentingbehavior demonstrated by mothers of less competent children.Aspects of parenting continue to predict differential outcomes of maltreated children beyond infancy and earlychildhood. To illustrate, Kim and Cicchetti (2004) examined concurrent and longitudinal relations between mother–child relationship quality and adjustment of 206 maltreated and 139 nonmaltreated disadvantaged children aged 7–12years. A multi-method assessment was conducted to measure children's relatedness to their mother (i.e.,psychological proximity seeking and emotional quality) as well as self-esteem and internalizing and externalizingproblems. Data were collected during two consecutive summer camps. Results indicated that relatedness to mothers inthe first year was predictive of children's adaptation in the second year, and the link was mediated by self-esteem.Specifically, insecure relatedness was related to low self-esteem, which in turn predicted subsequent internalizing andexternalizing symptoms. Consistent with an organizational perspective on development, the degree to which childrenadapted to early challenges (i.e., attachment) set the trajectory for later stage-salient tasks (i.e., development of the selfsystem).The role of caretaking quality in maltreated children's adaptation continues to be evidenced into the teen years. TheLehigh Longitudinal Study (Herrenkohl et al., 1994; Herrenkohl et al., 1995) offers insight into the role of parentingand the family context in resilient functioning among maltreated youth. High functioning maltreated children hadmothers who were more affectionate and supportive and less hostile and controlling than the mothers of children whowere less well adjusted. At the high school follow up, several commonalities in family environments of resilientmaltreated adolescents were noted. Specifically, resilient adolescents had experienced only sporadic (as opposed tochronic) abuse, and they had stable caretaking over the course of their youth. In addition, parents of several resilientadolescents expressed high expectations for their children's self-sufficiency and independence, perhaps due to theirown health problems which inspired them to insure their children were independent. It should be noted that stablecaretaking and high parental expectations appeared to be protective for school drop out, a somewhat narrow indicatorof successful adaptation.In a retrospective study, Wind and Silvern (1994) examined degree to which quality of early parenting predictedfunctioning of adult women who had experienced physical (n=24) or sexual (n=17) abuse in childhood. Measures offamily history and current functioning were administered to women employed by a university. Results indicated thatwomen's perceptions of parenting support received in childhood were related to current reports of self-esteem anddepression. Furthermore, unsupportive parenting mediated the relation between child abuse and adult depression andlow self-esteem.In contrast to the findings reported above, Brown and Kolko (1999) found that parenting practices (i.e., monitoring,discipline, and interactional behaviors) were not related to severity of externalizing symptoms among maltreatedchildren. Parent-reported level of family conflict, however, was a significant predictor of outcomes. The authorsconcluded that childrearing might impact child outcomes indirectly, through the impact of specific parenting behaviorson general family conflict. In fact, research indicates relational processes and contextual stress within families thatextend beyond the parent/child relationship are influential in both risk and resilience (Werner, 1989). Although thereare relatively few studies of these factors in families of maltreated children, results indicate that family functioning is animportant consideration in resilience for those children. Perkins and Jones (2004) examined functioning of 3281maltreated adolescents. All data, including abuse history, were obtained via a questionnaire. Teens reportedinvolvement in seven risky behaviors (e.g., alcohol use, attempted suicide, purging) and two “thriving” behaviors (i.e.,success in school and helping others). The presence of eight potential protective factors also was examined. Resultsshowed that higher level of family support and better parent–adolescent communication, the two protective factors atthe family context level, were associated with lower rates of alcohol and tobacco use, suicide attempts, and purging.Parenting context was unrelated to thriving behaviors, however. A second study (Perkins, Luster, & Jank, 2002)confirmed that family support was associated with lower risk of purging among maltreated adolescent girls.Several other illustrations of the relevance of family functioning are available in the extant literature. Farber andEgeland (1987) found that constructive family changes (e.g., intervention for the family, abusive father no long allowedvisitations, placement of child with caring foster parents) were associated with positive adaptation of maltreatedchildren. Kurtz, Gaudin, Howling, and Wodarski (1993) examined functioning of 139 foster children ages 8–16years;69 had been physically abused or neglected. A large multi-method assessment battery was used to measure familyhistory as well as children's school performance, social and emotional development, and adaptive behavior. Resultsindicated fewer family life stressors (e.g., major illness, birth of a child, change in residence) were associated with

804 M.E. Haskett et al. / Clinical Psychology Review 26 (2006) 796–812numerous positive outcomes for children, including better school performance, fewer problem behaviors at home, andbetter adjustment with peers. Fewer foster care placements were associated with better adjustment at home, higher selfconcept,and lower levels of aggression.Coherence of the family environment, a construct associated with family stability, was found to be relevant tounderstanding outcomes of maltreated adolescents in a study conducted by Sagy and Dotan (2001). The authors soughtto identify factors associated with resilient functioning among 81 abused (physical, emotional, and/or verbal) and/orneglected Israeli 8th graders. Resilience was manifested by high competence and low psychological distress. Potentialprotective factors included parameters of the child's ecological circle, including their perceptions of family coherence,psychological sense of school membership, and community-level social support. Demographic factors (e.g., parenteducation and marital status) also were examined as potential protective factors. Results indicated that children's senseof family cohesion was the main contributor to level of perceived competence. The other factors did not contribute asignificant amount of variance in competence, and none were related to level of psychological distress.In conclusion, several features of the family environment appear central to resilient functioning of maltreatedchildren, from infancy through adolescence. Studies indicate that specific dimensions of parenting quality, includingaffection, sensitivity, and support for autonomy, are important predictors of differential outcomes for maltreatedchildren. In addition to the importance of parenting behavior on outcomes, results indicate that broader familyfunctioning is related to resilient functioning. Specifically, children's perceptions of their family coherence andmultiple indicators of family stability are associated with positive adaptation among maltreated children. Thesefindings indicate that, even though the family environment of maltreated children tends to be much more dysfunctionalthan that of nonmaltreated children, individual differences in parenting and family processes are evident and arepredictive of diversity in outcomes for abused and neglected children.3.3. Extra-familial relationships and community factorsRelationships with individuals outside the immediate family are important in resilience among children at risk formaladaptation. In particular, high-quality peer friendships and supportive relationships with non-parental adults arelinked with success for children at risk (Luthar & Zigler, 1991). Bolger, Patterson, and Kupersmidt (1998) explored therole of friendship reciprocity and quality as protective factors for children who had experienced maltreatment. Anetwork of relationships questionnaire was administered to participants, and peers and participants reported onreciprocal friendships. Results indicated that having high-quality and reciprocal friendships moderated the relationbetween maltreatment and self-esteem. Over time, stronger friendships were associated with higher self-esteem formaltreated children. Maltreated children with a reciprocal friendship were three times more likely than children withoutclose friends to be classified as resilient in at least 1year of the 3-year study. Findings were particularly strong forchronically maltreated and for physically abused children. It is important to note that friendship quality was a protectivefactor for self-esteem, but not for internalizing or externalizing problems.The value of friendships for children with a history of maltreatment was also examined in research conducted bySchwartz, Dodge, Pettit, Bates, and The Conduct Problems Prevention Research Group (2000). The authors used aprospective design to examine the moderating role of dyadic friendships in the link between harsh parenting andvictimization by peers. Children's early home environments (e.g., harsh discipline, marital conflict, abuse, maternalhostility) were assessed by parent interview prior to first grade. In later elementary school, peer group acceptance,reciprocal friendships, and victimization by peers were assessed. Results showed a reduced “effect” of harsh parentingfor children with numerous friendships. That is, the link between harsh parenting (at Time 1) and victimization by peers(at Time 3) was significantly weaker for children with more reciprocated friendships (at Time 2). Together, thesestudies point to the special importance of positive peer relationships for children whose families might not providenecessary support, encouragement, and motivation for coping with developmental challenges.Neither Schwartz et al. (2000) nor Bolger et al. (1998) assessed attributes of the participants' friends. The protectivenature of friendships might vary by characteristics of the friends and the activities peers share. In fact, Perkins and Jones(2004) found that having close friends who engaged in risky behaviors was detrimental to maltreated adolescents'adjustment; in contrast, maltreated adolescents who engaged in a high rate of thriving behaviors had friends who alsoengaged in those healthy behaviors. That finding is not unexpected given the significant influence of peer group normsand “contagion” (see Gifford-Smith, Dodge, Dishion, & McCord, 2005). In the case of bonding with a deviant peergroup, close friendships could exact a toll on maltreated children rather than serving as a protective factor.

M.E. Haskett et al. / Clinical Psychology Review 26 (2006) 796–812805The protective influence of relationships with non-parental adults remains unclear for maltreated children, althoughit is often proposed that such relationships are important for resilience. Case-study findings from the Mother–ChildInteraction Project indicated that mothers who had a history of maltreatment by their parents but who were adequatemothers themselves had experienced care from a supportive, nurturing adult in the course of their development (Pianta,Egeland, & Erickson, 1989). Cicchetti and Rogosch (1997) and Flores et al. (2005) found that the ability to form arelationship with a camp counselor differentiated maltreated children with low adaptive functioning from othermaltreated children; however, children's personal characteristics accounted for most of the variance in adaptivefunctioning. Just as the type of peers that maltreated children associate with might influence whether or not friendshipsare protective, so might the responsibility and maturity of non-parental adults determine whether those relationshipsprotect maltreated children. Indeed, Perkins and Jones (2004) found adolescents' perceived support from non-parentadults predicted adjustment, but results were counterintuitive. Support was associated with increased involvement infive of the risk behaviors and with lower school success. Similarly, Perkins et al. (2002) found support from a nonparentadult was associated with increased purging behavior by maltreated adolescent girls. It seems the adult “support”obtained by children in these studies was not conducive to success in meeting developmental tasks.Broader environmental influences on resilience to maltreatment have received the least empirical attention to date.This is unfortunate since knowledge of protective factors at the community level, in particular, could serve to informpublic policy. For example, involvement in structured extracurricular activities generally is related to healthy outcomesfor children and adolescents (see Larson & Mahoney, 2005); such findings could be used to encourage increasedfunding for availability of organized after-school programs and activities for children at risk. Egeland, Sroufe, &Erickson (1983) found that involvement in extracurricular activities and hobbies was related to resilience. In contrast,Perkins and Jones (2004) found that involvement in extracurricular activities was related to increased rates ofdelinquency. It seems reasonable to propose that the type of extracurricular activity should be considered. Althoughresearch shows there are benefits of involvement in structured as well as informal after-school activities (e.g., Cooper,Valentine, Nye, & Lindsay, 1999), some activities are associated with negative outcomes. For example, involvement insports is related to many positive outcomes, but it is also associated with increased alcohol use (e.g., Eccles & Barber,1999).Extant research provides abundant evidence of the protective nature of high-quality school environments forchildren at risk of failure in academic and social domains (e.g., Catterall, 1998; Gonzalez, 1997). Furthermore, as notedby Stipek (1997), success in the school environment is one of the strongest predictors of success in social and mentalhealth functioning. It is highly unfortunate, therefore, that school and community contextual variables have beenrelatively neglected areas of investigation by researchers interested in resilience among maltreated children. Perkinsand Jones (2004) found that positive school climate was associated with lower risk of engaging in six of sevenmeasured risky behaviors and with school success of maltreated adolescents. Sagy and Dotan (2001) examinedmaltreated adolescents' sense of school membership and community-level social support (from family, friends,neighbors, adult figures in school, and others in the community) as indicators of competence and psychologicaldistress. Sense of school membership correlated with perceived competence but not with psychological adjustment,and community support was unrelated to either outcome.In summary, given the importance of high quality peer relationships to the social and emotional adjustment ofchildren, it is remarkable that so few investigators have examined the value of peer friendships for abused andneglected children. There appears to be concordance in relatedness across relationships, so maltreated children withconfused or disengaged relatedness to mothers are likely to experience similar patterns of relatedness to other adultsand peers (Lynch & Cicchetti, 1991). However, maltreated children who are able to form close attachments with peersmight have access to alternative working models of relationships as trustworthy and safe. In fact, the few studies thathave been conducted on the protective nature of peer relations indicate there is indeed potential value to high-qualityand reciprocal friendships among maltreated children. Unfortunately, the potential protective nature of non-parentaladults and influences within school and community environments have not been adequately addressed as protectivefactors for maltreated children.4. Closing commentsBased on findings of the Mother–Child Interaction Project, Egeland (1991) concluded “No one was immune orinvulnerable to the effects of maltreatment” (p. 51). Rates of resilience among maltreated children are indeed uniformly

806 M.E. Haskett et al. / Clinical Psychology Review 26 (2006) 796–812low, especially when resilient functioning is defined as competence across several domains of functioning or sustainedadaptation over time. This is not unexpected since maltreatment is associated with a host of adversities, which requiresmaltreated children to recover from cumulative risks. Rates of adaptive functioning are substantially higher whenresilience is defined as competence in a narrow domain of functioning. Success in one domain at a single point in timemight seem to be a bleak outcome; however, single experiences of adaptation could prime children for a path ofsuccessful adaptation in subsequent developmental challenges. Unfortunately, the few longitudinal studies availableindicate that such “cascading” effects of protective factors, with continued positive adaptation over time, is rare formaltreated children. Although evidence indicates that few maltreated children are able to sustain resilient functioningover time, it is important to note that longitudinal studies of resilience among abused children have been relativelyshort-term and have not examined functioning into adulthood. Children who do not demonstrate positive adaptation inthe early years might experience delayed benefits of struggling to meet challenges. Those benefits might be manifestedlater, in adulthood (Werner, 2005).In terms of protective factors for maltreatment, there has been far greater attention to personal attributes of childrenthan to environmental influences. The focus on individual child characteristics is noteworthy because leaders in thefield of resilience (e.g., Luthar & Zelazo, 2003) argue that children's personal characteristics are probably lessinfluential in competence among children at risk for maladaptation than are aspects of the parent–child relationship andthe child's broader environment. Cicchetti and Rogosch (1997) and Flores et al. (2005) concluded that individual childfactors were more relevant to positive social and academic outcomes among maltreated children than wereinterpersonal relationships. The investigators hypothesized that maltreated children might have essentially abandonedthe potential value of relationships in their striving to adapt to developmental demands, and instead were focused onself-reliance. Asking whether individual child attributes or the childrearing context of maltreated children are morecritical to outcomes is perhaps illogical since complex interactions of both child resources and family supports arelikely the best predictors of resilience. Such interactions of personal and environment factors should receive greaterattention in future studies. In addition, the potential protective role of school and other community contexts deserve farmore consideration. Given the extreme risk within the homes of maltreated children, elucidating protective factors inthe children's neighborhoods, schools, and religious institutions is critically important.4.1. Considerations for future researchFortunately, research on resilience to maltreatment has progressed far beyond early formative publications basedlargely on clinical observation (e.g., Mrazek & Mrazek, 1987). There continue to be methodological challengesassociated with this research, however. One challenge is the fact that samples often are comprised of children withhighly diverse experiences. There is variation in abuse typology and in associated risk factors to which abused childrenhave been exposed. Past research indicates that there are different outcomes associated with various types of abuse(Cohen, Brown, & Smailes, 2001), and there are overlapping but unique outcomes associated with the risks that tend toco-occur with maltreatment. Use of samples that are highly heterogeneous might obscure rather than clarifyunderstanding of resilient functioning among maltreated children, thus, it might be argued that different types ofmaltreatment should be examined separately (e.g., English et al., 2005). On the other hand, forms of maltreatmentrarely occur in isolation (Barnett, Manly, & Cicchetti, 1993), so samples that include all types of maltreatment andmultiple risks probably have external validity. Researchers typically address multiple risks in samples using cumulativerisk models, but there are drawbacks to that approach (Masten & Powell, 2003). Thus, when sample sizes are adequate,investigators should examine protective factors for subgroups separately. At a minimum, details about maltreatmentexperiences should be provided using a validated classification system such as the system for translating childprotective services (CPS) records developed by Barnett et al. (1993). Investigators also should report additionaladversities experienced by the maltreated children in their samples. This information will assist in integration offindings across studies, and will aid in establishing generalizability of findings.Existing studies of resilience to maltreatment have included samples of children with histories of abuse and neglectsubstantiated by formal child protection systems. The reliability and validity of CPS substantiations are highlyquestionable (Hussey et al., 2005; Leiter, Myers, & Zingraff, 1994). In addition, many abused and neglected childrennever reach the attention of formal child protection systems. For these reasons it is likely that research samples are nonrepresentativeof the larger population of maltreated children. Findings of studies based on samples of maltreatedchildren referred for intervention services (e.g., summer camp programs, outpatient clinics) are even less generalizable.

M.E. Haskett et al. / Clinical Psychology Review 26 (2006) 796–812807An alternative method of recruitment and identification of maltreatment status should be considered. For example, anin-depth parent interview of community parents might be utilized. Such a method was developed as a measure ofphysical maltreatment for the Multisite Child Development Project (Dodge, Bates, & Pettit, 1990), and it appears to bea valid alternative to social services designations of abuse status (e.g., Jaffee et al., 2005). Of course, this strategy wouldrequire wide screening to identify an abuse sample, and its use would negate the use of classification systems formaltreatment typology because those systems rely on CPS records (see Herrenkohl, 2005; Runyan et al., 2005).There is a great need for additional longitudinal studies of resilience among maltreated children. The benefits oflongitudinal research are numerous (Black, 1991). Because resilience is a transactional process, children candemonstrate features of resilience at one point in time but fail to show positive adaptation later in development.Unfortunately, processes related to sustained resilient functioning have been relatively unexplored. Longitudinalstudies are also needed to formulate a development model of resilience; protective factors are likely to be sensitive tochildren's developmental stage such that different variables predict resilience at different developmental periods. Inaddition, some factors that appear to contribute to resilience in earlier periods might in fact be detrimental formaltreated children at a later developmental period. For instance, self-reliance and independence, which generally areassociated with positive adaptation, could result in role reversal within the parent child relationship as the child ages.Finally, longitudinal studies can contribute to knowledge of protective factors beyond a single generation, and they canprovide valuable information for breaking the cycle of maltreatment, which is clearly not inevitable (Starr, MacLean, &Keating, 1991). Several long-term follow up studies are beginning to be fruitful regarding multi-generational resilience(see Werner, 2005).An emerging area of study with promise for achieving an advanced understanding of both risk and resiliency isinvestigations of interactions between biological and environmental risk factors (see Deater-Deckard, Ivy, & Smith,2005). To illustrate, several recent studies have indicated that certain biological risk factors interact with maltreatmentsuch that children with high biological risk are more negatively impacted by the abuse experience. One such biologicalrisk is a functional polymorphism in the promoter of the monoamine oxidase A (MAOA) gene. This gene encodes theMAOA enzyme, which metabolizes neurotransmitters (dopamine and serotonin) that contribute to regulation of moodand behavior in response to threat. Studies show that maltreatment (Caspi et al., 2002) and inadequate parenting (Foleyet al., 2004) are more strongly associated with antisocial behavior among youth with low levels of MAOA activity thanamong youth with adequate MAOA activity. Knowledge of these nature–nurture interaction effects can addsubstantially to the prediction of resilience among maltreated children, beyond knowledge of simple main effects ofindividual risk factors.4.2. Clinical and policy implicationsWith respect to implications of this literature for clinical practice, we echo the caution of Doll and Lyon (1998) whoexpressed concern that clinicians and educators might be hasty to develop programs to promote resilience without thebenefit of methodologically rigorous research. Research on resilience to maltreatment is in its “toddlerhood,” and thereare very few studies that have been designed to replicate findings in different labs and across diverse samples. There arealso many methodological limitations (e.g., reliance on a single data source, small sample sizes, use of measures withweak psychometric properties) that reduce the confidence in findings of these studies. In addition, most of the extantliterature has identified correlates of resilient functioning as opposed to processes involved in resilience.With those cautions in mind, the literature does offer some direction for clinical practice. Our recommendationsshould be taken in the context of what is already known about evidence-based practices for child abuse treatment(Chaffin & Friedrich, 2004). Early intervention is particularly important given research reviewed in this paper thatindicates children who experience maltreatment early in life might be less likely to develop protective attributes likeinternal locus of control. Research on protective factors for maltreatment supports parenting programs that optimizeparents' efforts to provide warm and sensitive caregiving and stable family environments. Those factors might serve toprotect maltreated children from insecure attachment, low autonomy, and the associated difficulties that follow thoseproblems. There has been recent success with attachment-centered interventions specifically designed to enhance thequality of the attachment relationship between depressed mothers and their toddlers, and outcomes show benefits forthe child's developmental status (Cicchetti, Toth, & Rogosch, 1999). Those interventions could be combined with moretraditional behavioral parent training programs, which tend to direct the intervention to the parent's child managementskills.

808 M.E. Haskett et al. / Clinical Psychology Review 26 (2006) 796–812In terms of individual child characteristics, the key role of self-esteem in mediating the path between maltreatmentand social–emotional competence indicates that self-efficacy and personal confidence might be important to foster inintervention efforts for maltreated children. Of course, enhanced skills might be required to increase children's feelingsof confidence. Based on the studies reviewed here, problem-solving skills training and self-regulatory skillsenhancement might be especially beneficial in this regard. Given the importance of children's cognitive appraisals ofthe abuse experience in prediction of social and emotional adjustment, it might be critical to assess children'sattributions and consider cognitive restructuring of beliefs surrounding the maltreatment. Finally, social skills trainingand other efforts to assist maltreated children in establishing and maintaining close friendships with prosocial peers areindicated by this literature.Available literature on resilience to maltreatment offers little direction for interventions at the exosystem level (e.g.,schools, religious institutions, and workplace); too few investigations have been conducted to draw conclusions aboutpossible protective factors beyond children's personal characteristics and their interpersonal relationships. However,because there are likely to be interactions of child, family, and community factors in resilient outcomes for maltreatedchildren, it is safe to assume that the most successful efforts to enhance protective factors likely will be multi-level,such as school–community partnerships or family–school collaborations (Haugaard & Feerick, 2002). Evidenceindicates that such partnerships are indeed effective for maltreated children (e.g., Fantuzzo, Manz, Atkins, & Meyers,2005). It will be important to rigorously evaluate the impact of interventions designed to support resilient functioningof maltreated children. If appropriately designed, intervention studies can provide an empirical test of protective factorsthat are initially identified via correlational research (e.g., Eckenrode et al., 2001). Thus interventions can be informedby, as well as contribute to, theoretical models of risk and resilience.Research reviewed herein indicates that a number of children who experience maltreatment will be able to developpositive personal resources, benefit from favorable experiences within the family, and/or capitalize on support fromtheir environment (especially high-quality friendships). Certainly, these findings should lead to some degree ofoptimism. However, resilience among maltreated children is an exceptional outcome, not a typical outcome. The factthat some children appear to demonstrate features of resilience should not be used to justify a continuation ofinadequate mental health services for children and families in this country. Indeed, given typical developmentaloutcomes associated with maltreatment, support for these vulnerable children and their families must be provided evenin times of deep financial constraint. 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