<strong>Sexuality</strong> in Late Lombard Italy 291111234222567222891011123222456789202221234567893011112343567894011112322254. Preben Meulengracht Sørensen, The Unmanly Man. Concepts of Sexual Defamationin Early Northern Society, trans. Joan Turville-Petre (Odense: Odense UniversityPress, 1983), 18–21. For the equation of powerlessness with both femaleness andeffeminacy in Scandinavian society see Carol Clover, “Regardless of Sex: Men,Women and Power in Early Northern Europe,” Speculum 68 (1993), 363–87. I amvery grateful to my colleague Judith Jesch for discussion of the meaning of arga/argr.55. Karras, <strong>Sexuality</strong>, 129–32.56. For example, Giovanni Dall’Orto who includes HL VI 24 as one of his “texts of gayhistory” (although with some qualification): www.digilander.libero.it/giovannidallorto/testi/latine/diacono/diacono.html.57. Edictum Rothari, c.381. Azzara and Gasparri, Le leggi, 102–3 (who think arga means“inept” or “coward” at 199, n. 158). Bluhme, Leges, 88.58. Drew, Lombard Laws, 128.59. The phrase here is per fororem aga. The ninth-century Ivrea manuscript (probablywritten at Pavia, c.830) and all later manuscripts have arga or argam.60. HL I.21.61. Largely in Book VI of his HL; discussed by Balzaretti, “Masculine Authority”; Goffart,Narrators, 417–24. Liutprand founded at least one monastery on his estate atCorteolona near Pavia and may indeed have adopted some monastic rituals in his dailylife: HL 6.58; Foulke, Historia, 304.62. Goffart, Narrators, 423.63. Costambeys, “Monastic Environment.”64. For example, the late eighth- or early ninth-century Vita Walfredi, Chapter 5. KarlSchmid, ed., Vita Walfredi und Kloster Monteverdi: toskanisches Monchtum zwischenlangobardischrlangobardischen und frankishenfrankischen Herrschaft (Tübingen:Niemeyer, 1991); Clare Pilsworth, “Sanctity, Crime and Punishment in the ‘VitaWalfredi,’” Hagiographica 7 (2000), 201–68.65. Bluhme, Leges; Walter Pohl, “Leges Langobardorum,” Reallexikon der GermanischenAltertumskunde 18 (2001), altertumskunde, vol. 18, ed. Heinrich Beck, Dieter Geuenichand Heiko Steuer (Berlin and New York, 2001), 208–13 is the best recent summary.I am deliberately not dealing here with the vexed question of Roman law in northernItaly in this period. The notion that Lombard law was merely a re-issuing of longestablishedRoman provisions is sometimes assumed but in fact very difficult todocument, in the absence of much work on the very few eighth-century manuscriptsof any type of Roman law in this area. Ian Wood has shown that many more manuscriptsof the Theodosian Code and the Breviary of Alaric survived north of the Alpsthan south of them: one or two surviving manuscripts only may be Italian in origin(Ian N. Wood, “Roman Law in the Barbarian Kingdoms,” in Rome and the North,ed. Alvar Ellegård and Gunilla Åkerström-Hougen (Jonsered: Paul Åstrom, 1996),5–14 at 13). The manuscript evidence, therefore, does not suggest that Roman lawin its Roman forms was alive and well in north-western Italy in the eighth century.While it may be true that some of the content of Liutprand’s laws may be similar toearlier Roman legislation, it is also true that “the legislation of Rothari’s successorsleaves no doubt that the Italian society they addressed greatly differed from the onehe had conjured up” (Patrick Wormald, The Making of English Law, vol. 1 (Oxford:Blackwell, 1999), 44). This means that it is unwise to refer back to the Roman lawof marriage and sex as if eighth-century Lombard legislators fully understood the
30 Ross Balzaretticircumstances in which that Roman law had originally been made: eighth-centuryLombard society was extremely different from even that of very late Roman Italy. Itis my argument here that King Liutprand was issuing laws regulating sexual behaviorbecause he was himself concerned with these issues and his laws were intended toregulate his own society not to evoke some idealized, distant Roman world: Wormald,The Making of English Law, 1: 29–92 remains essential on this. Although AnttiArjava, Women and Law in Late Antiquity (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1996) is helpfulfor understanding what late Roman legal attitudes to sex were, this material does not,for the reasons set out above, transfer easily to a society several centuries in the future.66. At a maximum count (including some laws that are implicitly about sex), 39 chapters:1, 2, 4 (from 713); 7, 12, 14 (717); 24 (721); 30–34 (723); 60 (724); 65–66 (725); 76(726); 89 (727); 98, 100, 101, 103 (728); 104–106, 112, 114 (729); 117, 119–122,126, 127, 129 (731); 130, 135 (733); 139–140 (734), 153 (735).67. Liutprand 33; Drew, Lombard Laws, 160–1.68. Drew, Lombard Laws, 160–1.69. Emerton, “Boniface,” 20–2370. de Jong, “To the Limits of Kinship.”71. Raymond Davis, ed., The Lives of the Eighth-Century Popes (Liber Pontificalis),(Liverpool: Liverpool University Press 1992), 1–2. Bede knew a version of this textbefore it had been completed: Bede, The Ecclesiatical History of the English People,ed. Judith McClure and Roger Collins (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994),xxv–xxvii.72. Noble, Republic of St Peter, 28.73. Paul Fouracre, ed., The New Cambridge <strong>Medieval</strong> History, vol. 1 c.500–c.700(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 353–70 (Spain), 381–3 (Francia)and 474–88 (England).74. Noble, Republic of St Peter, 31.75. Janet L. Nelson, “Charlemagne the man,” in Charlemagne: Empire and Society ed.Joanna Story (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2005), 22–37 and her“Writing Early <strong>Medieval</strong> Biography,” History Workshop Journal 50 (2000), 129–36.76. Intervenientem vanissimam et superstitiosa vel cupida soasionem et perversionemapparuit modo in his temporibus, quia inlecita nobis vel cunctis nostris iudicibusconiunctio esse paruit, quoniam adulte et iam mature aetate femine copolabant sibepuerolus parvolus et intra etatem legitimam et dicebant, quod vir eius legetimus essedeverit, cun adhuc se cum ipsa miscere menime valerit. Nunc itaque statuereprevidimus, ut nulla amodo femina hoc facere presumat, nisi si pater aut avus puericum legetimus parentis puelle hoc facere previderit. Nam si puer post mortem patrisaut avi sui intra etatem remanserit, et ei se qualiscumque femina, antequam ipse puerterciodecimo anno conpleat, copolare presumpserit, dicendo quod legitimus marituseius esse debeat, inrita sit ipsa coniunctio, et separentur ab invicem. Femina veroipsa revertatur vacua cum oboprobrium suum et non habeat potestatem alio viro secopolare, dum ipse puerolus ad aetatem suprascripta pervenerit. Siquidem ipsa inpletaetatem puer ipse sibi eam oxorem habere voluerit, habeat licentiam, et si eam noluerit,tollat sibi oxorem aliam, qualem voluerit aut potuerit, Illa vero, si ad alium maritumambolaverit, et ipse puerolus eam habere noluerit, non ei possit vir suus, qui eamtollit, pleniter metfio dare, sicut ad aliam puellam, sed tantumodo mediaetatem, sicutad viduam mulierem. Qui verum puerum ipsum soaserit, sibe parentis eius sint, sibe
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