HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor
HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor
ETHNIC AND NATIONAL HISTORY CA. 500‒1000 57Isidore of Seville and the Visigoths, Vandals, and SuevesThe encyclopaedic bishop of Seville (570–636) left behind two versionsof the Historia Gothorum (HG), 50 a shorter one, finished duringthe reign of Sisebut (612–21), probably in 621; and a longer one,dated 624, extending into the reign of Suinthila (621–31), with jubilantpraise of this king’s re-conquest of Cartagena, occupied by imperialtroops since 552. 51 The history of the Goths proper opens withthe “Praise of Spain”, in which these former Roman provinces aredescribed as an exceptionally rich and temperate territory and thenpersonified as a beautiful woman, once desired and married by imperialRome but now seized and enjoyed by the rising power of theGoths. The “Praise” is followed by sixty-five short chapters focusingexclusively on the history of the Visigoths, from their first encounterswith Rome to the foundation of the kingdom of Toulouse inthe early fifth century and then to the conquest, settlement, andunification of Spain. After this narrative comes a “Recapitulation”in five chapters (66–70) praising the achievements of the Goths andattributing their success—presented as a triumph over Rome—totheir valor in combat and their love of freedom. The History of theVandals and History of the Sueves (chapters 71–84 and 85–92 respectively)are brief appendices attached to the HG as concerning othergentes who once inhabited Spain. They provide brief summaries oftheir history from their arrival in the peninsula to the imperial reconquestof the Vandal kingdom in North Africa in 533 and theincorporation of the Sueves into the Visigothic realm under Leovigildin the 570s.The HG is a tissue of borrowings from previous histories and presentsitself as such (“de historiis libata retexere” [2]). It draws manyof its materials and some ideological inspiration from Orosius, butotherwise its chief sources are universal chronicles: Jerome’s continuationof Eusebius, Hydatius, Prosper of Aquitaine, Victor of Tunnuna(for the Vandals), John of Biclar. There is no evidence that theauthor knew Jordanes’s Getica. These sources have been subjected toconsiderable generalization for the sake of elegant brevitas, losing in50Rodriguez Alonso (1975), 26–49.51Isidore of Seville, Historia Gothorum Wandalorum Sveborum ad DCXXIV, ed.T. Mommsen, MGH, AA XI (Berlin, 1894).
58 JOAQUÍN MARTÍNEZ PIZARROthe process much significant information, so that as a historical sourcethe HG tells us much less than the works from which it is derived.Ideologically, however, and as a work of literature, it is of considerableoriginality and deserves more attention than it has received.Its chief claim to distinction is its extreme Gothic patriotism, manifestin a systematic revision of the historical record. The Gothsfought on Pompey’s side at Pharsalia and came close to defeatingCaesar (3). The victories of Claudius and Constantine over the Gothsare counted primarily as shining additions to the fame of these emperors,now illustrious for having defeated “such a powerful people”(“tam fortissimam gentem”, 4–5). Following Orosius, the HG presentsAlaric’s sack of Rome in 410 as remarkably merciful andrestrained, particularly in the treatment of churches and their property(15–17). Most remarkably, perhaps, the Goths are said to havetaken the lead against the Huns in the battle of the CatalaunianFields in 451, with Aetius and his Roman forces participating asmere supporters (“auxiliante Aetio duce Romano”, 23). As might beexpected, the Arianism of the Goths is the one serious mark againstthem (“superstitio idolatriae” . . . “malum blasphemiae”, 8; “inolitierroris labes”, 52). The HG, once again echoing Orosius, blames thison the emperor Valens, who had sent them Arian missionaries (7)and elsewhere bypasses this difficult subject with moderate blame orwith indications that the Goths, though heretical, had shown muchpiety. Throughout, the author presents his protagonists as victoriousover Rome, which he portrays as a declining power, closely associatedwith paganism and heresy. One immediate occasion for theHG, Suinthila’s recovery of the last imperial holdouts in Cartagena,is of special significance for Isidore, whose family came from thatregion, as it marks the beginning of undivided Visigothic rule overa Catholic kingdom.The brief chapters of the HG are dated according to the Spanishera and the year of an imperial reign. 52 In most of them, a stage inthe political destiny of the Gothic nation is embodied in the biographyof a king. 53 It is striking, given the minimal scope of these chapters,that Isidore always describes the exact circumstances of the king’send, whether assassinated (“His throat was cut in the middle of a52The sections on the Vandals and Sueves are dated by the Spanish era only.53Reydellet (1981), 523–54.
- Page 15 and 16: 6 DEBORAH MAUSKOPF DELIYANNISThe ch
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58 JOAQUÍN MARTÍNEZ PIZARROthe process much significant information, so that as a historical sourcethe HG tells us much less than the works from which it is derived.Ideologically, however, and as a work of literature, it is of considerableoriginality and deserves more attention than it has received.Its chief claim to distinction is its extreme Gothic patriotism, manifestin a systematic revision of the historical record. The Gothsfought on Pompey’s side at Pharsalia and came close to defeatingCaesar (3). The victories of Claudius and Constantine over the Gothsare counted primarily as shining additions to the fame of these emperors,now illustrious for having defeated “such a powerful people”(“tam fortissimam gentem”, 4–5). Following Orosius, the HG presentsAlaric’s sack of Rome in 410 as remarkably merciful andrestrained, particularly in the treatment of churches and their property(15–17). Most remarkably, perhaps, the Goths are said to havetaken the lead against the Huns in the battle of the CatalaunianFields in 451, with Aetius and his Roman forces participating asmere supporters (“auxiliante Aetio duce Romano”, 23). As might beexpected, the Arianism of the Goths is the one serious mark againstthem (“superstitio idolatriae” . . . “malum blasphemiae”, 8; “inolitierroris labes”, 52). The HG, once again echoing Orosius, blames thison the emperor Valens, who had sent them Arian missionaries (7)and elsewhere bypasses this difficult subject with moderate blame orwith indications that the Goths, though heretical, had shown muchpiety. Throughout, the author presents his protagonists as victoriousover Rome, which he portrays as a declining power, closely associatedwith paganism and heresy. One immediate occasion for theHG, Suinthila’s recovery of the last imperial holdouts in Cartagena,is of special significance for Isidore, whose family came from thatregion, as it marks the beginning of undivided Visigothic rule overa Catholic kingdom.The brief chapters of the HG are dated according to the Spanishera and the year of an imperial reign. 52 In most of them, a stage inthe political destiny of the Gothic nation is embodied in the biographyof a king. 53 It is striking, given the minimal scope of these chapters,that Isidore always describes the exact circumstances of the king’send, whether assassinated (“His throat was cut in the middle of a52The sections on the Vandals and Sueves are dated by the Spanish era only.53Reydellet (1981), 523–54.