HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor
HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor
ETHNIC AND NATIONAL HISTORY CA. 500‒1000 49of the Romans, making it only a further claim to glory on the partof Justinian and Belisarius that they were able to conquer such awarlike nation (315–16). 17Jordanes quotes from many Greek and Latin sources: PompeiusTrogus, Dio Chrysostom, Ptolemy, Josephus, Dexippus, an unidentifiedFabius, Rufinus of Aquileia, Prosperus, Priscus, the Roman History ofSymmachus, and the Gothic histories of Ablabius and Cassiodorus,although it is likely that some of these authorities are not used firsthand.18 His Latinity and literary skills in general have been judgedadversely by many scholars, from his editor Theodor Mommsen whowrote that if Cassiodorus had taken the origin of the Goths andmade it Roman history, then Jordanes had rendered it Moesian 19 toa recent scholar who describes the Getica as “the illiterate epitomemade and supplemented by Jordanes”. 20 These harsh evaluations,which overlook the varieties and possibilities of sixth-century Latin,have made it easier to dismiss Jordanes himself, his political views,and his conception of the Getica as crucial factors in the interpretationof the work.The design of the Getica is simple: it is divided into three sectionsof comparable length. The first of these (4–130) consists largely oflegends of origin combined with geographic-ethnographic descriptionsof the various lands inhabited by the Goths on their way tothe Mediterranean. The narrative reaches from the tribe’s first mythicmigration from the island of Scanzia (Scandinavia) to the Hunnishconquest of the Gothic kingdom north of the Black Sea circa A.D.370. The second section (131–245) follows the fortunes of the Visigothsto Jordanes’s own time, which finds them rulers of southern Gauland Spain. The third section (246–316) goes back to A.D. 370 andrelates the history of the Ostrogoths, first under Hunnish overlordshipand then as a free people settled in Pannonia and later in Italy. 21The Getica has always been read in terms of its relation to Cassiodorus’slost History of the Goths. One school has searched in it for17Jordanes also shows intense awareness of the danger to Constantinople fromvarious barbarian nations (Romana 388) and is clearly in favor of harsh militarymeasures to keep them in line.18Mommsen, Preface to Romana et Getica, xxx–xliv.19Mommsen, Preface to Romana et Getica, xliv.20Barnish (1984), 336.21An outline is provided in Appendix 1.
50 JOAQUÍN MARTÍNEZ PIZARROlong-lost vernacular traditions of the Goths, which it would interpretas a dynastic oral tradition (Hausüberlieferung) of the Amals, learnedby Cassiodorus at the court of Ravenna and incompetently summarizedby Jordanes. 22 This approach, which in its speculative handlingof legendary materials and its reconstruction of missing oraltraditions often comes close to the literary ethnography of antiquity,favors linguistic evidence, chiefly onomastics and etymology. Thus,for instance, the story of the origin of the Huns from banished Gothicwitches who mated with evil spirits of the desert (121–22) is interpretedas a misunderstood account of a religious/ideological changeundergone by the early Goths as they settled in Scythia, wherebythose conservative elements who held to the old tribal religio werecast out from the community and eventually perceived and rememberedas demonic. Although the story has well-known scripturalsources, 23 it is read as somehow reflecting authentic Gothic traditionson the strength of the Gothic word haliurunnae, ‘witches’, usedby Jordanes. But haliurunnae proves nothing other than that Jordanes,or perhaps Cassiodorus, knew some Gothic vocabulary. In the Geticathe word clearly serves as an authenticating device and also to providea plausible explanation for the name of the Huns. 24A second school has read the Getica primarily in terms of Cassiodorus’sown views and the political sentiments of the court of Ravennain the early sixth century. 25 The chief argument for this insistenceon the standpoint of Cassiodorus is the fact that the last event mentionedin the text is the birth of Germanus, son of the patriciusGermanus and Matasuntha. Instead of emphasizing the father’s kinshipwith Justinian, whose nephew he was, the Getica stresses his familyconnection to the powerful Roman gens of the Anicii, to whichCassiodorus may have belonged, and the significance of an alliance,at this critical moment in Roman-Gothic affairs, between the Aniciiand the Amals. It has been argued that this slant could come onlyfrom Cassiodorus himself. It also has been suggested by Momiglianothat this reference to a late event (the child was born in 551) impliesthat, while in exile in Constantinople, Cassiodorus revised his his-22Wolfram (1980), 454–55, and (1990), 58.23Maenchen-Helfen (1945).24Wolfram (1994), 30–31; Goffart (1995), 27–28.25Momigliano (1955); Barnish (1984); Heather (1991).
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- Page 11 and 12: 2 DEBORAH MAUSKOPF DELIYANNISMuch o
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- Page 27 and 28: 18 MICHAEL I. ALLENone, emphasized
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- Page 99 and 100: 90 MICHEL SOTAs for institutional h
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ETHNIC AND NATIONAL HISTORY CA. 500‒1000 49of the Romans, making it only a further claim to glory on the partof Justinian and Belisarius that they were able to conquer such awarlike nation (315–16). 17Jordanes quotes from many Greek and Latin sources: PompeiusTrogus, Dio Chrysostom, Ptolemy, Josephus, Dexippus, an unidentifiedFabius, Rufinus of Aquileia, Prosperus, Priscus, the Roman History ofSymmachus, and the Gothic histories of Ablabius and Cassiodorus,although it is likely that some of these authorities are not used firsthand.18 His Latinity and literary skills in general have been judgedadversely by many scholars, from his editor Theodor Mommsen whowrote that if Cassiodorus had taken the origin of the Goths andmade it Roman history, then Jordanes had rendered it Moesian 19 toa recent scholar who describes the Getica as “the illiterate epitomemade and supplemented by Jordanes”. 20 These harsh evaluations,which overlook the varieties and possibilities of sixth-century Latin,have made it easier to dismiss Jordanes himself, his political views,and his conception of the Getica as crucial factors in the interpretationof the work.The design of the Getica is simple: it is divided into three sectionsof comparable length. The first of these (4–130) consists largely oflegends of origin combined with geographic-ethnographic descriptionsof the various lands inhabited by the Goths on their way tothe Mediterranean. The narrative reaches from the tribe’s first mythicmigration from the island of Scanzia (Scandinavia) to the Hunnishconquest of the Gothic kingdom north of the Black Sea circa A.D.370. The second section (131–245) follows the fortunes of the Visigothsto Jordanes’s own time, which finds them rulers of southern Gauland Spain. The third section (246–316) goes back to A.D. 370 andrelates the history of the Ostrogoths, first under Hunnish overlordshipand then as a free people settled in Pannonia and later in Italy. 21The Getica has always been read in terms of its relation to Cassiodorus’slost History of the Goths. One school has searched in it for17Jordanes also shows intense awareness of the danger to Constantinople fromvarious barbarian nations (Romana 388) and is clearly in favor of harsh militarymeasures to keep them in line.18Mommsen, Preface to Romana et Getica, xxx–xliv.19Mommsen, Preface to Romana et Getica, xliv.20Barnish (1984), 336.21An outline is provided in Appendix 1.