HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor

HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor

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ETHNIC AND NATIONAL HISTORY CA. 500‒1000 45of these narratives to the search for kernels of ancient Germanic traditionthat may be connected to pagan cults and ancestral pieties.The quest for what is referred to as “Germanic continuity” can easilybe made compatible with ethnogenesis: it is enough to argue that thepresence, deliberate or accidental, of these archaic elements in thelate antique or early medieval origines triggered an irrational identificationwith a myth of origins, thereby serving to shape and buttress anemergent group identity. 5The pursuit of Germanic continuity, a subterranean survival ofvernacular myths and loyalties under what is usually represented asa thin veneer of Latin culture, runs through the record of twentiethcenturyscholarship on this subject. Its logic has derived interdisciplinarycredibility from Germanic philology and the comparativestudy of religions. 6 The philology, however, is often highly speculativeand involves questionable procedures such as projecting the informationin Tacitus’s Germania into the early Middle Ages, on theassumption of an undisturbed constancy of Germanic tradition. Evenmore frequent has been the retrojection of data taken from Nordicliterature of the thirteenth century and later, on the unlikely premisethat Scandinavian, especially Icelandic, literature constitutes one greatquarry of cultural fossils. The theories of myth and religion used inthis enterprise are at least equally problematic: the most frequentlyinvoked authority is that of Georges Dumèzil, who finds numerousexact correspondences between Indo-European mythologems and theologemson one side and the legendary sagas and stories preservedby Saxo Grammaticus and Snorri Sturluson, both writing in the firsthalf of the thirteenth century, on the other. 7 A startling picture ofearly medieval history arises from these reconstructions. The HolySpear of the Ottonians, described by Liutprand of Cremona andWidukind of Corvey in the tenth century, goes back not only to theTrue Cross, nails from which were embedded in its blade, and thusto Constantine and Helena, but also, more deeply, to the spear ofWodan, god of kingship, and ultimately to the rock carvings ofBronze-Age Sweden, where spears are represented serving obviously5Cf. Pohl (1994).6Cf. Hauck (1955); Wolfram (1994). Contra von See (1972); Goffart (1995); Amory(1997), 326–31.7Dumèzil (1959). Contra Page (1978–79); von See (1988), 63–68.

46 JOAQUÍN MARTÍNEZ PIZARROritual functions. 8 Royal charisma, the fortuna or felicitas ordinarilyattributed to divine grace in medieval sources, is in fact always themanifestation of a sacral Germanic Königsheil traceable to the presenceof a pagan divinity in the ruler’s genealogy. 9 Demonstrationsof such archaic survivals are impossible to disprove precisely becausethe evidence offered, often with much philological and antiquarianerudition, is uncommonly flimsy. An analogy of form is sufficient fora well-attested Christian and Latin source to be set aside in favorof a pagan Germanic one, which is automatically assumed to be theone that really counts. 10The ancient Germans retrieved from the origines in the name ofcontinuity are a peculiar lot, occupied exclusively with cultic activitiesand the preservation of sacred lineages (Geblütsheiligkeit). It is notpossible, of course, to isolate historical scholarship from the illusionsof its own epoch, but the barbarian ancestors thus exhumed aremore reminiscent of early twentieth-century creations, of the irrationalistheroes of Ernst Jünger and Gottfried Benn, caught in theSpenglerian dialectic of culture and civilization, than of the shrewdpoliticians and able careerists documented by Ammianus, Procopius,and the ethnic histories themselves. 11The chief objection to Kontinuitätstheorie as an approach to the ethnichistories is that, because of its exclusive interest in a few passagesthat can be used to establish the persistence of a native cultureunder the forms of Latin Christianity, it dismisses any study of theseworks as wholes and as products of late antiquity and the earlyMiddle Ages, periods in which the writing of history was always alsoa literary undertaking, and when literature was never “mere literature”but could be expected to serve political, social, or religiouspurposes. This rejection of literature reaches back at least as far asthe denunciation of Eduard Norden’s 1920 study of the topoi in theGermania. 12 Literature, like Latinity and Christianity, is held to be8Höfler (1938).9E.g., Beumann (1950), 236–42; Bosl (1962), esp. 92. Contra Picard (1991).10Beumann (1950), 253–54, provides an excellent illustration of this kind ofreasoning.11Cf. for instance Stroheker (1955) and (1961), 9–53.12Cf. von See (1981), 31–37. The pedigree of this prejudice is remarkable andawakens echoes remote from—but not unconnected with—the realm of academic

46 JOAQUÍN MARTÍNEZ PIZARROritual functions. 8 Royal charisma, the fortuna or felicitas ordinarilyattributed to divine grace in medieval sources, is in fact always themanifestation of a sacral Germanic Königsheil traceable to the presenceof a pagan divinity in the ruler’s genealogy. 9 Demonstrationsof such archaic survivals are impossible to disprove precisely becausethe evidence offered, often with much philological and antiquarianerudition, is uncommonly flimsy. An analogy of form is sufficient fora well-attested Christian and Latin source to be set aside in favorof a pagan Germanic one, which is automatically assumed to be theone that really counts. 10The ancient Germans retrieved from the origines in the name ofcontinuity are a peculiar lot, occupied exclusively with cultic activitiesand the preservation of sacred lineages (Geblütsheiligkeit). It is notpossible, of course, to isolate historical scholarship from the illusionsof its own epoch, but the barbarian ancestors thus exhumed aremore reminiscent of early twentieth-century creations, of the irrationalistheroes of Ernst Jünger and Gottfried Benn, caught in theSpenglerian dialectic of culture and civilization, than of the shrewdpoliticians and able careerists documented by Ammianus, Procopius,and the ethnic histories themselves. 11The chief objection to Kontinuitätstheorie as an approach to the ethnichistories is that, because of its exclusive interest in a few passagesthat can be used to establish the persistence of a native cultureunder the forms of Latin Christianity, it dismisses any study of theseworks as wholes and as products of late antiquity and the earlyMiddle Ages, periods in which the writing of history was always alsoa literary undertaking, and when literature was never “mere literature”but could be expected to serve political, social, or religiouspurposes. This rejection of literature reaches back at least as far asthe denunciation of Eduard Norden’s 1920 study of the topoi in theGermania. 12 Literature, like Latinity and Christianity, is held to be8Höfler (1938).9E.g., Beumann (1950), 236–42; Bosl (1962), esp. 92. Contra Picard (1991).10Beumann (1950), 253–54, provides an excellent illustration of this kind ofreasoning.11Cf. for instance Stroheker (1955) and (1961), 9–53.12Cf. von See (1981), 31–37. The pedigree of this prejudice is remarkable andawakens echoes remote from—but not unconnected with—the realm of academic

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