HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor
HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor
ETHNIC AND NATIONAL HISTORY CA. 500‒1000 45of these narratives to the search for kernels of ancient Germanic traditionthat may be connected to pagan cults and ancestral pieties.The quest for what is referred to as “Germanic continuity” can easilybe made compatible with ethnogenesis: it is enough to argue that thepresence, deliberate or accidental, of these archaic elements in thelate antique or early medieval origines triggered an irrational identificationwith a myth of origins, thereby serving to shape and buttress anemergent group identity. 5The pursuit of Germanic continuity, a subterranean survival ofvernacular myths and loyalties under what is usually represented asa thin veneer of Latin culture, runs through the record of twentiethcenturyscholarship on this subject. Its logic has derived interdisciplinarycredibility from Germanic philology and the comparativestudy of religions. 6 The philology, however, is often highly speculativeand involves questionable procedures such as projecting the informationin Tacitus’s Germania into the early Middle Ages, on theassumption of an undisturbed constancy of Germanic tradition. Evenmore frequent has been the retrojection of data taken from Nordicliterature of the thirteenth century and later, on the unlikely premisethat Scandinavian, especially Icelandic, literature constitutes one greatquarry of cultural fossils. The theories of myth and religion used inthis enterprise are at least equally problematic: the most frequentlyinvoked authority is that of Georges Dumèzil, who finds numerousexact correspondences between Indo-European mythologems and theologemson one side and the legendary sagas and stories preservedby Saxo Grammaticus and Snorri Sturluson, both writing in the firsthalf of the thirteenth century, on the other. 7 A startling picture ofearly medieval history arises from these reconstructions. The HolySpear of the Ottonians, described by Liutprand of Cremona andWidukind of Corvey in the tenth century, goes back not only to theTrue Cross, nails from which were embedded in its blade, and thusto Constantine and Helena, but also, more deeply, to the spear ofWodan, god of kingship, and ultimately to the rock carvings ofBronze-Age Sweden, where spears are represented serving obviously5Cf. Pohl (1994).6Cf. Hauck (1955); Wolfram (1994). Contra von See (1972); Goffart (1995); Amory(1997), 326–31.7Dumèzil (1959). Contra Page (1978–79); von See (1988), 63–68.
46 JOAQUÍN MARTÍNEZ PIZARROritual functions. 8 Royal charisma, the fortuna or felicitas ordinarilyattributed to divine grace in medieval sources, is in fact always themanifestation of a sacral Germanic Königsheil traceable to the presenceof a pagan divinity in the ruler’s genealogy. 9 Demonstrationsof such archaic survivals are impossible to disprove precisely becausethe evidence offered, often with much philological and antiquarianerudition, is uncommonly flimsy. An analogy of form is sufficient fora well-attested Christian and Latin source to be set aside in favorof a pagan Germanic one, which is automatically assumed to be theone that really counts. 10The ancient Germans retrieved from the origines in the name ofcontinuity are a peculiar lot, occupied exclusively with cultic activitiesand the preservation of sacred lineages (Geblütsheiligkeit). It is notpossible, of course, to isolate historical scholarship from the illusionsof its own epoch, but the barbarian ancestors thus exhumed aremore reminiscent of early twentieth-century creations, of the irrationalistheroes of Ernst Jünger and Gottfried Benn, caught in theSpenglerian dialectic of culture and civilization, than of the shrewdpoliticians and able careerists documented by Ammianus, Procopius,and the ethnic histories themselves. 11The chief objection to Kontinuitätstheorie as an approach to the ethnichistories is that, because of its exclusive interest in a few passagesthat can be used to establish the persistence of a native cultureunder the forms of Latin Christianity, it dismisses any study of theseworks as wholes and as products of late antiquity and the earlyMiddle Ages, periods in which the writing of history was always alsoa literary undertaking, and when literature was never “mere literature”but could be expected to serve political, social, or religiouspurposes. This rejection of literature reaches back at least as far asthe denunciation of Eduard Norden’s 1920 study of the topoi in theGermania. 12 Literature, like Latinity and Christianity, is held to be8Höfler (1938).9E.g., Beumann (1950), 236–42; Bosl (1962), esp. 92. Contra Picard (1991).10Beumann (1950), 253–54, provides an excellent illustration of this kind ofreasoning.11Cf. for instance Stroheker (1955) and (1961), 9–53.12Cf. von See (1981), 31–37. The pedigree of this prejudice is remarkable andawakens echoes remote from—but not unconnected with—the realm of academic
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- Page 7 and 8: viCONTENTS11. Biography 1000-1350 .
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- Page 11 and 12: 2 DEBORAH MAUSKOPF DELIYANNISMuch o
- Page 13 and 14: 4 DEBORAH MAUSKOPF DELIYANNISbetter
- Page 15 and 16: 6 DEBORAH MAUSKOPF DELIYANNISThe ch
- Page 17 and 18: 8 DEBORAH MAUSKOPF DELIYANNIScritic
- Page 19 and 20: 10 DEBORAH MAUSKOPF DELIYANNIShold,
- Page 21 and 22: 12 DEBORAH MAUSKOPF DELIYANNISnow i
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- Page 27 and 28: 18 MICHAEL I. ALLENone, emphasized
- Page 29 and 30: 20 MICHAEL I. ALLENFrom the flux of
- Page 31 and 32: 22 MICHAEL I. ALLENuntil and beyond
- Page 33 and 34: 24 MICHAEL I. ALLENreverse, their l
- Page 35 and 36: 26 MICHAEL I. ALLENwith a new cosmi
- Page 37 and 38: 28 MICHAEL I. ALLENcoincidence of A
- Page 39 and 40: 30 MICHAEL I. ALLENAbraham and God
- Page 41 and 42: 32 MICHAEL I. ALLENAugustine unders
- Page 43 and 44: 34 MICHAEL I. ALLENeffort, Bede mea
- Page 45 and 46: 36 MICHAEL I. ALLENchronology, and
- Page 47 and 48: 38 MICHAEL I. ALLENarticulate his p
- Page 49 and 50: 40 MICHAEL I. ALLENiconoclast Claud
- Page 51 and 52: 42 MICHAEL I. ALLENextent that they
- Page 53: 44 JOAQUÍN MARTÍNEZ PIZARROself-a
- Page 57 and 58: 48 JOAQUÍN MARTÍNEZ PIZARROoffici
- Page 59 and 60: 50 JOAQUÍN MARTÍNEZ PIZARROlong-l
- Page 61 and 62: 52 JOAQUÍN MARTÍNEZ PIZARROGregor
- Page 63 and 64: 54 JOAQUÍN MARTÍNEZ PIZARROrange
- Page 65 and 66: 56 JOAQUÍN MARTÍNEZ PIZARROTestam
- Page 67 and 68: 58 JOAQUÍN MARTÍNEZ PIZARROthe pr
- Page 69 and 70: 60 JOAQUÍN MARTÍNEZ PIZARROSchola
- Page 71 and 72: 62 JOAQUÍN MARTÍNEZ PIZARROsense
- Page 73 and 74: 64 JOAQUÍN MARTÍNEZ PIZARROThe au
- Page 75 and 76: 66 JOAQUÍN MARTÍNEZ PIZARROare in
- Page 77 and 78: 68 JOAQUÍN MARTÍNEZ PIZARROof the
- Page 79 and 80: 70 JOAQUÍN MARTÍNEZ PIZARROto att
- Page 81 and 82: 72 JOAQUÍN MARTÍNEZ PIZARROis the
- Page 83 and 84: 74 JOAQUÍN MARTÍNEZ PIZARROwere c
- Page 85 and 86: 76 JOAQUÍN MARTÍNEZ PIZARRORecent
- Page 87 and 88: 78 JOAQUÍN MARTÍNEZ PIZARROof sec
- Page 89 and 90: 80 JOAQUÍN MARTÍNEZ PIZARROof hig
- Page 91 and 92: 82 JOAQUÍN MARTÍNEZ PIZARROinvolv
- Page 93 and 94: 84 JOAQUÍN MARTÍNEZ PIZARROprofil
- Page 95 and 96: 86 JOAQUÍN MARTÍNEZ PIZARROLombar
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- Page 99 and 100: 90 MICHEL SOTAs for institutional h
- Page 101 and 102: 92 MICHEL SOTthe second century, an
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46 JOAQUÍN MARTÍNEZ PIZARROritual functions. 8 Royal charisma, the fortuna or felicitas ordinarilyattributed to divine grace in medieval sources, is in fact always themanifestation of a sacral Germanic Königsheil traceable to the presenceof a pagan divinity in the ruler’s genealogy. 9 Demonstrationsof such archaic survivals are impossible to disprove precisely becausethe evidence offered, often with much philological and antiquarianerudition, is uncommonly flimsy. An analogy of form is sufficient fora well-attested Christian and Latin source to be set aside in favorof a pagan Germanic one, which is automatically assumed to be theone that really counts. 10The ancient Germans retrieved from the origines in the name ofcontinuity are a peculiar lot, occupied exclusively with cultic activitiesand the preservation of sacred lineages (Geblütsheiligkeit). It is notpossible, of course, to isolate historical scholarship from the illusionsof its own epoch, but the barbarian ancestors thus exhumed aremore reminiscent of early twentieth-century creations, of the irrationalistheroes of Ernst Jünger and Gottfried Benn, caught in theSpenglerian dialectic of culture and civilization, than of the shrewdpoliticians and able careerists documented by Ammianus, Procopius,and the ethnic histories themselves. 11The chief objection to Kontinuitätstheorie as an approach to the ethnichistories is that, because of its exclusive interest in a few passagesthat can be used to establish the persistence of a native cultureunder the forms of Latin Christianity, it dismisses any study of theseworks as wholes and as products of late antiquity and the earlyMiddle Ages, periods in which the writing of history was always alsoa literary undertaking, and when literature was never “mere literature”but could be expected to serve political, social, or religiouspurposes. This rejection of literature reaches back at least as far asthe denunciation of Eduard Norden’s 1920 study of the topoi in theGermania. 12 Literature, like Latinity and Christianity, is held to be8Höfler (1938).9E.g., Beumann (1950), 236–42; Bosl (1962), esp. 92. Contra Picard (1991).10Beumann (1950), 253–54, provides an excellent illustration of this kind ofreasoning.11Cf. for instance Stroheker (1955) and (1961), 9–53.12Cf. von See (1981), 31–37. The pedigree of this prejudice is remarkable andawakens echoes remote from—but not unconnected with—the realm of academic