HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor
HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor
CHAPTER TWOETHNIC AND NATIONAL HISTORY CA. 500–1000Joaquín Martínez PizarroIntroductionThe works usually studied under the heading of ethnic histories,some of which are among the most widely read productions of theearly Middle Ages, do not belong to one genre or share a commonapproach to their subject. They continue to be treated as a grouponly because scholars have done so for a long time, describing whatthey call origines gentium as a distinct genre of historiography, withantecedents in classical ethnography, that was taken up across Europein the early medieval period by writers moved by ethnic self-awareness. 1No matter that the texts show none of the common formal characteristicsthat distinguish a literary genre, or that among the mostfamous works of the group, one, the History of Gregory of Tours, isclearly a universal history in the tradition of Orosius, while another,Bede’s Ecclesiastical History, follows faithfully the generic model forchurch history set by Eusebius of Caesarea: somehow, these textswere thought to be bound by ideological and emotional factors thatwent much deeper than any literary considerations. Since all of themwere concerned, to some extent, with the early history of Germanictribes, the national passions of nineteenth- and twentieth-centuryEurope became implicated in their study from very early. The questionto which the ethnic histories were believed to hold the answerwas that of the role of Germanic culture in the formation of medievalEurope, vis-à-vis the Roman Empire and its overwhelming legacy.However, nationalism alone will not explain the misunderstandingsand distortions to which these works have been exposed. Scholarshiphas been haunted by other agendas, among them a yearning for culturalotherness that is as old and as powerful as the need for national1Grundmann (1965), 12–17.
44 JOAQUÍN MARTÍNEZ PIZARROself-affirmation. When a scholar as critical and as alien to all culturalnationalism as Arnaldo Momigliano can write, after having discussedCassiodorus’s lost History of the Goths, “Not long afterwards theBarbarians of the West began to speak for themselves. There areless than forty years in the chronology I have adopted betweenCassiodorus’s Gothic History and the History of the Franks by Gregoryof Tours” 2 we are not only surprised—how can a Gallo-Romanbishop of senatorial ancestry represent the barbarians of the Westspeaking for themselves?—but genuinely at a loss. Gregory of Tours’background is perfectly well known: what could have led Momiglianoto characterize him, if only in passing, as a barbarian? WouldGregory’s notorious grammatical deficiencies have seemed sufficientground to make him a spokesman for the new protagonists of Europeanhistory in the sixth century? What is evident here and in many similarformulations is the need for an alternative to Roman sources,the longing to hear the genuine voice of the barbarians, the desirefor a narrative that might rightly be called The History of the Franks,as Gregory’s cannot.New developments in historical ethnography should allow us toapproach these early medieval texts with a greater measure of criticaldetachment, and may do so by emphasizing the limitations ofthe available data. The very definition of what is Germanic is foundto be highly unstable, determined by linguistic and archaeologicalcriteria that are neither univocal nor always coherent with eachother. 3 The influential concept of ethnogenesis makes it possible tolook at such ethnic markers as language, weapons, and national costume,but also at the discourse of the ethnic histories as strategiesby which a new nationality is created and affirmed, rather than astraces of a pre-existent and established tribal identity. 4 Ethnicity inthis new light turns out to be not a single monolithic factor but acomplex option that must be constructed, negotiated, and performed.Valuable as these theoretical revisions appear, they may not be bythemselves powerful enough to liberate the study of the early medievalorigines gentium from the ideological imperatives that have plagued itfor so long, in particular, the tendency to subordinate the analysis2Momigliano (1955), 198.3Wenskus (1986).4Pohl (1998) and (1998b).
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CHAPTER TWOETHNIC AND NATIONAL HISTORY CA. 500–1000Joaquín Martínez PizarroIntroductionThe works usually studied under the heading of ethnic histories,some of which are among the most widely read productions of theearly Middle Ages, do not belong to one genre or share a commonapproach to their subject. They continue to be treated as a grouponly because scholars have done so for a long time, describing whatthey call origines gentium as a distinct genre of historiography, withantecedents in classical ethnography, that was taken up across Europein the early medieval period by writers moved by ethnic self-awareness. 1No matter that the texts show none of the common formal characteristicsthat distinguish a literary genre, or that among the mostfamous works of the group, one, the History of Gregory of Tours, isclearly a universal history in the tradition of Orosius, while another,Bede’s Ecclesiastical History, follows faithfully the generic model forchurch history set by Eusebius of Caesarea: somehow, these textswere thought to be bound by ideological and emotional factors thatwent much deeper than any literary considerations. Since all of themwere concerned, to some extent, with the early history of Germanictribes, the national passions of nineteenth- and twentieth-centuryEurope became implicated in their study from very early. The questionto which the ethnic histories were believed to hold the answerwas that of the role of Germanic culture in the formation of medievalEurope, vis-à-vis the Roman Empire and its overwhelming legacy.However, nationalism alone will not explain the misunderstandingsand distortions to which these works have been exposed. Scholarshiphas been haunted by other agendas, among them a yearning for culturalotherness that is as old and as powerful as the need for national1Grundmann (1965), 12–17.