HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor
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HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor

HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor

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21.07.2015 Views

UNIVERSAL HISTORY 300‒1000 41Temple, and then from the Second Temple to Christ. 81 This divisionbetter highlighted the functional pivots of sacred history, andFrechulf effaces the normal alternatives where necessary but admitsthem beforehand and later. He uses mentions of the Ages to emphasizethe Flood, Abraham, and Christ’s coming into the world, yetskirts the incongruity of his result in order to quote Bede on theadvent of the “Sixth Age” at what stands, in effect, as the seventh. 82Although kingdoms and rulers inexorably succeed one another, andOrosius appears in massive quotation, Frechulf eliminates all tracesof the allegory of the Four Kingdoms. 83 His purpose seems clearwhen we observe how he knows to quote from and report aboutJerome’s Daniel Commentary but takes no account of the particularexegesis that lay behind Orosius’s historical vision. 84 Frechulf did notpresume against God’s good order but, rather, found new means toexpress it, which refined or effaced the systems we might expect.In the early medieval afterlife of Latin universal history, Frechulfstands apart by the massiveness of his narrative result and the carefuleffort he set to cutting old cloth to new meaning. Within theconstraints of a retrospective compilation built of books and chapters,he traced a vision that marked for his readership their historicalplace and inheritance, which he offered as a treasure house and aprod. Good came even from examples to avoid, and chronologicaldisagreement, which he left unresolved and perhaps cultivated, servedto highlight the inner moment of the religious milestones he emphasized.85 Within Christian times, it was the milestones themselves, notcounted years, that paced his books and marked temporal advance, andthe interstices of good teaching and saintly virtue that filled them.It was possible to build on the prior tradition of Christian universalhistory by extending a branch, reframing and updating a current,or, as in the exception of Frechulf, by reweaving accumulatedexpressions into something wholly derived yet new. Most subsequentengagements depended easily on recognized forms, and these, to the81Cf. Eusebius, Prologus to Eusebius-Jerome, Chronicon, pp. 16–17; Schmidt (1956),304–05, without notice of Frechulf.82Frechulf, Historiae I.1.25 [4]; I.1.35 [19/21]; II.1.2 [41].83He also purges the typological deployment of the ten plagues of Egypt, whichAugustine had sharply dismissed.84Frechulf, Historiae I.7.13 [32/46] (quotation); II.5.3 [68/70] (with the addition,as a recensional variant, of the Daniel Commentary to the listing of Jerome’s works).85See my complementary annotations on chronology in the CCCM edition.

42 MICHAEL I. ALLENextent that they merely repeated schemes and content, often easilypale for us in comparison to what was added new and not derived.Yet as they emerged, the early forms and habits show a reach forsocial and ethical self-definition often as broad as the chronologicalstretch to Creation. Universal history provided facts and times and, bycontent or form, helped to intimate the terms for Christian citizenship.

42 MICHAEL I. ALLENextent that they merely repeated schemes and content, often easilypale for us in comparison to what was added new and not derived.Yet as they emerged, the early forms and habits show a reach forsocial and ethical self-definition often as broad as the chronologicalstretch to Creation. Universal history provided facts and times and, bycontent or form, helped to intimate the terms for Christian citizenship.

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