HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor

HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor

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LEGENDARY HISTORY: HISTORIA AND FABULA 413then on (it was presumably supposed), would guarantee the authenticityof any serious work. However, Damian-Grint cautions us againstreaching over-hasty conclusions, reminding us that assertions of thiskind were occasionally made in verse compositions at around the sametime, an observation which he supports with a quotation taken froma short chanson de geste, the Mort Aymerie de Narbonne by Bertrand deBar-sur-Aube (ca. 1180):Nus hom ne puet chançon de geste direQue il ne mente la ou li vers define,As mos drecier et a tailler la rime.Ce est bien voirs, gramaire le devise,Uns hom la fist de l’anciene vie,Hues ot non, si la mist un livreEt seela el mostier Saint Denise.La ou les jestes de France sont escrites. (ll. 3055–62, ed. Courayedu Parc, Paris: Firmin Didot, 1884; Johnson Reprint, 1966)Damian-Grint also refers us to Benoît’s Chronique des ducs de Normandieand to its author’s desire to avoid all fauseté and mençonge:Translatee ai l’estoire e diteD’eissi cum l’ai trovee escrite;N’ai mis fauseté ne mençonge. (Chronique, vv. 42035–37)What predominates in these assertions is the desire, always present,to speak the truth. The same is true of the prose version of theChronique du pseudo-Turpin attributed to ‘Jehan’, in which the writerlinks for the first time a spurning of rhyme to the consequentialintegrity of his estoire:Et por ce que rime se velt afeiter de moz conqueilliz hors de l’estoire,voust li cuens que cist livres fust sanz rime selonc le latin de l’estoireque Torpins l’arcevesque de Reins traita et escrist si com il le vit t oï. 85What counts, after all, is not to distort the narrative—believed tobe the spoken words of Archbishop Turpin himself, companion ofCharlemagne and of Roland. The text of the Nicolas version evenoffers the reader a letter of confirmation supposedly written by thelegendary archbishop himself, in which he claims that what he haswritten down was witnessed by his very own eyes. 8685See Jehan, The Old French Johannes Translation of the Pseudo-Turpin Chronicle, ed.Ronald N. Walpole (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1976), 10–14.86Bertrand de Bar-sur-Aube, Chronique dite Saintongeaise, ed. de Mandach, 257.

414 PETER AINSWORTHA second approach to this extremely controversial question hasbeen made by Gabrielle Spiegel, who points out that all six versionsof the Chronique du pseudo-Turpin were composed within the sphere ofinfluence of several lords from northeast France, including the countsof Boulogne and Saint-Pol. 87 Here were patrons anxious to findrenewed justification for their sense of their own aristocratic andchivalric value within the kingdom of France; to win back and safeguardtheir autonomy by the creation of new myths; and, by sodoing, to promote an anti-Capetian, comital ideology that was neededmore than ever before, at a time when a powerful king was strivingto limit their means and powers of intervention. 88 The thesis isan attractive one, but may it not have been the case also that thesewriters, by adopting a medium that was just beginning to be viewedas unimpeachable with regard to veracity, had found the ideal wayto confer respectability upon material which, in fact, bordered onthe fanciful? Whatever the truth of the matter, other factors musthave come into play—as Michael Zink has also suggested:Until the end of the twelfth century, French literature is written entirelyin verse, and prose literature did not exist. The only vernacular prosetexts, few in number, have a utilitarian function that is either judicialor pedagogical. These could be charters, vernacular translations of thescriptures or sermons. This situation is characteristic of all young literature.Everywhere verse appears before prose. 89Underlying the new distribution of literary forms at the end of theMiddle Ages, Zink goes on to argue, is the idea that prose discourse,as compared to verse, is seen to be “richer and susceptible of infiniteexpansion or development”, 90 whilst Boutet observes that prose offeredmore scope for reflective analysis. 91 In any case, from the thirteenthcentury onwards, prose is increasingly employed as the vehicle fornarrative works, “whilst poetry tends to be squeezed into the corsetof fixed forms”. 92Given that prose had won credibility with several ‘non-professional’historians and apologists at the beginning of the thirteenth century,87Spiegel (1993), 13–14.88Spiegel (1993), 1; cf. esp. 79–82.89Zink (1992), 175; my translation.90Zink (1992), 177.91Boutet (1999), 5.92Zink (1992); my translation.

LEGENDARY HISTORY: HISTORIA AND FABULA 413then on (it was presumably supposed), would guarantee the authenticityof any serious work. However, Damian-Grint cautions us againstreaching over-hasty conclusions, reminding us that assertions of thiskind were occasionally made in verse compositions at around the sametime, an observation which he supports with a quotation taken froma short chanson de geste, the Mort Aymerie de Narbonne by Bertrand deBar-sur-Aube (ca. 1180):Nus hom ne puet chançon de geste direQue il ne mente la ou li vers define,As mos drecier et a tailler la rime.Ce est bien voirs, gramaire le devise,Uns hom la fist de l’anciene vie,Hues ot non, si la mist un livreEt seela el mostier Saint Denise.La ou les jestes de France sont escrites. (ll. 3055–62, ed. Courayedu Parc, Paris: Firmin Didot, 1884; Johnson Reprint, 1966)Damian-Grint also refers us to Benoît’s Chronique des ducs de Normandieand to its author’s desire to avoid all fauseté and mençonge:Translatee ai l’estoire e diteD’eissi cum l’ai trovee escrite;N’ai mis fauseté ne mençonge. (Chronique, vv. 42035–37)What predominates in these assertions is the desire, always present,to speak the truth. The same is true of the prose version of theChronique du pseudo-Turpin attributed to ‘Jehan’, in which the writerlinks for the first time a spurning of rhyme to the consequentialintegrity of his estoire:Et por ce que rime se velt afeiter de moz conqueilliz hors de l’estoire,voust li cuens que cist livres fust sanz rime selonc le latin de l’estoireque Torpins l’arcevesque de Reins traita et escrist si com il le vit t oï. 85What counts, after all, is not to distort the narrative—believed tobe the spoken words of Archbishop Turpin himself, companion ofCharlemagne and of Roland. The text of the Nicolas version evenoffers the reader a letter of confirmation supposedly written by thelegendary archbishop himself, in which he claims that what he haswritten down was witnessed by his very own eyes. 8685See Jehan, The Old French Johannes Translation of the Pseudo-Turpin Chronicle, ed.Ronald N. Walpole (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1976), 10–14.86Bertrand de Bar-sur-Aube, Chronique dite Saintongeaise, ed. de Mandach, 257.

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