HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor
HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor
LEGENDARY HISTORY: HISTORIA AND FABULA 413then on (it was presumably supposed), would guarantee the authenticityof any serious work. However, Damian-Grint cautions us againstreaching over-hasty conclusions, reminding us that assertions of thiskind were occasionally made in verse compositions at around the sametime, an observation which he supports with a quotation taken froma short chanson de geste, the Mort Aymerie de Narbonne by Bertrand deBar-sur-Aube (ca. 1180):Nus hom ne puet chançon de geste direQue il ne mente la ou li vers define,As mos drecier et a tailler la rime.Ce est bien voirs, gramaire le devise,Uns hom la fist de l’anciene vie,Hues ot non, si la mist un livreEt seela el mostier Saint Denise.La ou les jestes de France sont escrites. (ll. 3055–62, ed. Courayedu Parc, Paris: Firmin Didot, 1884; Johnson Reprint, 1966)Damian-Grint also refers us to Benoît’s Chronique des ducs de Normandieand to its author’s desire to avoid all fauseté and mençonge:Translatee ai l’estoire e diteD’eissi cum l’ai trovee escrite;N’ai mis fauseté ne mençonge. (Chronique, vv. 42035–37)What predominates in these assertions is the desire, always present,to speak the truth. The same is true of the prose version of theChronique du pseudo-Turpin attributed to ‘Jehan’, in which the writerlinks for the first time a spurning of rhyme to the consequentialintegrity of his estoire:Et por ce que rime se velt afeiter de moz conqueilliz hors de l’estoire,voust li cuens que cist livres fust sanz rime selonc le latin de l’estoireque Torpins l’arcevesque de Reins traita et escrist si com il le vit t oï. 85What counts, after all, is not to distort the narrative—believed tobe the spoken words of Archbishop Turpin himself, companion ofCharlemagne and of Roland. The text of the Nicolas version evenoffers the reader a letter of confirmation supposedly written by thelegendary archbishop himself, in which he claims that what he haswritten down was witnessed by his very own eyes. 8685See Jehan, The Old French Johannes Translation of the Pseudo-Turpin Chronicle, ed.Ronald N. Walpole (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1976), 10–14.86Bertrand de Bar-sur-Aube, Chronique dite Saintongeaise, ed. de Mandach, 257.
414 PETER AINSWORTHA second approach to this extremely controversial question hasbeen made by Gabrielle Spiegel, who points out that all six versionsof the Chronique du pseudo-Turpin were composed within the sphere ofinfluence of several lords from northeast France, including the countsof Boulogne and Saint-Pol. 87 Here were patrons anxious to findrenewed justification for their sense of their own aristocratic andchivalric value within the kingdom of France; to win back and safeguardtheir autonomy by the creation of new myths; and, by sodoing, to promote an anti-Capetian, comital ideology that was neededmore than ever before, at a time when a powerful king was strivingto limit their means and powers of intervention. 88 The thesis isan attractive one, but may it not have been the case also that thesewriters, by adopting a medium that was just beginning to be viewedas unimpeachable with regard to veracity, had found the ideal wayto confer respectability upon material which, in fact, bordered onthe fanciful? Whatever the truth of the matter, other factors musthave come into play—as Michael Zink has also suggested:Until the end of the twelfth century, French literature is written entirelyin verse, and prose literature did not exist. The only vernacular prosetexts, few in number, have a utilitarian function that is either judicialor pedagogical. These could be charters, vernacular translations of thescriptures or sermons. This situation is characteristic of all young literature.Everywhere verse appears before prose. 89Underlying the new distribution of literary forms at the end of theMiddle Ages, Zink goes on to argue, is the idea that prose discourse,as compared to verse, is seen to be “richer and susceptible of infiniteexpansion or development”, 90 whilst Boutet observes that prose offeredmore scope for reflective analysis. 91 In any case, from the thirteenthcentury onwards, prose is increasingly employed as the vehicle fornarrative works, “whilst poetry tends to be squeezed into the corsetof fixed forms”. 92Given that prose had won credibility with several ‘non-professional’historians and apologists at the beginning of the thirteenth century,87Spiegel (1993), 13–14.88Spiegel (1993), 1; cf. esp. 79–82.89Zink (1992), 175; my translation.90Zink (1992), 177.91Boutet (1999), 5.92Zink (1992); my translation.
- Page 371 and 372: 362 MICHAEL GOODICHevidence of Eliz
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- Page 401 and 402: 392 PETER AINSWORTHname of the Lord
- Page 403 and 404: 394 PETER AINSWORTHthe war a certai
- Page 405 and 406: 396 PETER AINSWORTHHistoriography r
- Page 407 and 408: 398 PETER AINSWORTHlink connecting
- Page 409 and 410: 400 PETER AINSWORTHand 1170), the R
- Page 411 and 412: 402 PETER AINSWORTHisland of ‘Bre
- Page 413 and 414: 404 PETER AINSWORTHHis descriptions
- Page 415 and 416: 406 PETER AINSWORTHDes altres tuz f
- Page 417 and 418: 408 PETER AINSWORTHA jugleours oï
- Page 419 and 420: 410 PETER AINSWORTHof Saint-Quentin
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- Page 425 and 426: 416 PETER AINSWORTHa large degree,
- Page 427 and 428: 418 BIBLIOGRAPHYA. I. Pini, P. Ross
- Page 429 and 430: 420 BIBLIOGRAPHYCorvey”. Pp. 875-
- Page 431 and 432: 422 BIBLIOGRAPHYBurke, P. (1991).
- Page 433 and 434: 424 BIBLIOGRAPHYd’Alatri, M., and
- Page 435 and 436: 426 BIBLIOGRAPHY——. (1985b).
- Page 437 and 438: 428 BIBLIOGRAPHYFuhrmann, H. (1963)
- Page 439 and 440: 430 BIBLIOGRAPHY——. Histoire et
- Page 441 and 442: 432 BIBLIOGRAPHYHofinger, F. (1974)
- Page 443 and 444: 434 BIBLIOGRAPHY——. (1991). “
- Page 445 and 446: 436 BIBLIOGRAPHYMacDonald, A. D. S.
- Page 447 and 448: 438 BIBLIOGRAPHYder territorialen G
- Page 449 and 450: 440 BIBLIOGRAPHYüberlieferungsgesc
- Page 451 and 452: 442 BIBLIOGRAPHYQuéruel, D., ed.,
- Page 453 and 454: 444 BIBLIOGRAPHYSchmidt, H. (1958).
- Page 455 and 456: 446 BIBLIOGRAPHYStaubach, N. (1995)
- Page 457 and 458: 448 BIBLIOGRAPHYVan Dam, R. (1993).
- Page 459 and 460: 450 BIBLIOGRAPHYWenskus, R. (1986).
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- Page 463 and 464: 454 INDEXConstantius of Lyon 140-41
- Page 465 and 466: 456 INDEXJulian of Speyer 290, 371J
- Page 467 and 468: 458 INDEXThomas of Loches 235-36Tho
- Page 469 and 470: 460 INDEXFirst Bavarian Supplement
- Page 471 and 472: INDEX OF TERMSannals 4, 6, 73-75, 1
LEGENDARY HISTORY: HISTORIA AND FABULA 413then on (it was presumably supposed), would guarantee the authenticityof any serious work. However, Damian-Grint cautions us againstreaching over-hasty conclusions, reminding us that assertions of thiskind were occasionally made in verse compositions at around the sametime, an observation which he supports with a quotation taken froma short chanson de geste, the Mort Aymerie de Narbonne by Bertrand deBar-sur-Aube (ca. 1180):Nus hom ne puet chançon de geste direQue il ne mente la ou li vers define,As mos drecier et a tailler la rime.Ce est bien voirs, gramaire le devise,Uns hom la fist de l’anciene vie,Hues ot non, si la mist un livreEt seela el mostier Saint Denise.La ou les jestes de France sont escrites. (ll. 3055–62, ed. Courayedu Parc, Paris: Firmin Didot, 1884; Johnson Reprint, 1966)Damian-Grint also refers us to Benoît’s Chronique des ducs de Normandieand to its author’s desire to avoid all fauseté and mençonge:Translatee ai l’estoire e diteD’eissi cum l’ai trovee escrite;N’ai mis fauseté ne mençonge. (Chronique, vv. 42035–37)What predominates in these assertions is the desire, always present,to speak the truth. The same is true of the prose version of theChronique du pseudo-Turpin attributed to ‘Jehan’, in which the writerlinks for the first time a spurning of rhyme to the consequentialintegrity of his estoire:Et por ce que rime se velt afeiter de moz conqueilliz hors de l’estoire,voust li cuens que cist livres fust sanz rime selonc le latin de l’estoireque Torpins l’arcevesque de Reins traita et escrist si com il le vit t oï. 85What counts, after all, is not to distort the narrative—believed tobe the spoken words of Archbishop Turpin himself, companion ofCharlemagne and of Roland. The text of the Nicolas version evenoffers the reader a letter of confirmation supposedly written by thelegendary archbishop himself, in which he claims that what he haswritten down was witnessed by his very own eyes. 8685See Jehan, The Old French Johannes Translation of the Pseudo-Turpin Chronicle, ed.Ronald N. Walpole (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1976), 10–14.86Bertrand de Bar-sur-Aube, Chronique dite Saintongeaise, ed. de Mandach, 257.