HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor

HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor

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LEGENDARY HISTORY: HISTORIA AND FABULA 401Moreover, in the romans d’antiquité (according to Baumgartner), poetryis most clearly visible in the guise of rhetorical embellishment—confirmation of the scholarly competence of the clerks responsiblefor it:The same is true of the ‘images of the world’ presented via the descriptionof the tent of the King of Adraste and of Amphiaraüs’s chariotin the Thèbes, of the ‘descriptio mundi’ or digressions provided byBenoît on the customs of the Amazons; then there is the inventory ofmedical knowledge carved upon Amphiaraüs’s chariot in the Thèbes;the same goes for the importance of political speeches and thought inthe Enéas and Troie. Even the lovers’ soliloquies, which could be thoughtof as signaling the advent of the novel, reveal in the excess and minutiaeof their meditations the intention to produce fragments, indeed atotality of possible discourse about love, rather than to pursue theconflagrations and uncertainties of an individual passion. 50In light of the interest they evince in embassies, councils, and combats,these works still have something of the chanson de geste aboutthem. But their authors shared the common goal of translating theirrespective sources as faithfully as possible, and their work can thusbe seen as an important aspect of twelfth-century humanism. Thedeclared ambition of Benoît de Sainte-Maure in his Roman de Troiewas to translate—in other words, to render into roman—a part ofthe only classical heritage to which he had access, namely, two workscomposed in Latin in the sixth century (but which he believed tobe much older): the Historia de excidio Trojae of Dares the Phrygian;and the Emphemeris belli Trojani of Dictys the Cretan. Convinced thatthese narratives incorporated eyewitness accounts of the Trojan wars,Benoît wanted to give to his own contemporaries a reliable andunbroken chronological account of an important episode in humanhistory. 51In his Roman de Brut, finished in 1155, Master Wace had alreadyrecounted the arrival in Britain of Brut (Brutus), the Trojan descendantof Aeneas who would soon become the eponymous king of the50Baumgartner (1994), 2–3; my translation.51Cf. Boutet (1999), 32: “Est-ce un hasard si les premières œuvres de quelqueimportance en langue vulgaire, chansons de geste et romans d’Antiquité, entretiennentun rapport avec l’Histoire, voire avec l’historiographie en langue latine? Laréférence historique, sous les différentes formes qu’elle revêt dans les textes, devraitalors être rattachée à ce désir d’authenticité, de justification du discours littérairepar une autorité extérieure à la fiction romanesque”.

402 PETER AINSWORTHisland of ‘Bretagne’. The prologue to the Brut having evoked the fallof Troy and the principal reason for it (the abduction of Helen),Benoît’s project was thus to provide a history of the founding of thetown and to relate what became of it. The most recent editors ofthe Troie have highlighted another area of particular interest to Benoît,to which we have already made reference, namely, the opportunityto make a great show of his erudition:Benoît the clerk likes to demonstrate from time to time an encyclopedicerudition, or one which at least (ironically perhaps?) gives theappearance of the same: recollections of scholarly glosses, commentaries,quotations of biblical origin, fragments of lapidaries, bestiaries,and description of marvels—wrought by man or to be found in thenatural world. 52It would be unfair to tax Benoît with mere personal or professionalvanity, however. The writer has, after all, the duty to transmit hisknowledge to future generations, so that they can benefit from it. 53Writing in this way serves the purpose of preserving for posteritythe stories and wonders of the past:By evoking in language the objects, the splendors, the towns which nolonger exist, his descriptions confer upon them an immortality thatdestiny—Fortune or Aventure, as Benoît has it—refused them. 54That said, Benoît’s narrative still aims to please and entertain. Thedescriptions of combat reveal his enthusiasm for the epic, and evenif his conception of love differs in certain respects from that of thetroubadours and trouvères, it would never have found its voice withouttheir example. A manuscript now conserved at Nottingham bindstogether with the Roman de Troie, fabliaux, chansons de geste, and romans,a clue perhaps to the status which at least a proportion of his publicaccorded the work of Benoît. An even more eloquent indicatorin respect of the literariness of this text is the way in which Benoîtelected to interpret the temporality and chronology of his principalsources. Penny Eley has demonstrated how, in this poem of somethirty thousand lines and in spite of the strict example furnished by52Benoît de Sainte-Maure, Le Roman de Troie, ed. E. Baumgartner and F. Vielliard,in Lettres Gothiques, gen. ed. M. Zink (Paris, 1998), 9; my translation.53Cf. the Prologue to Marie de France’s Lais, ed. L. Harf-Lancner, coll. “LettresGothiques” (Paris, 1990).54Benoît, Troie, ed. Baumgartner and Vielliard, 12.

402 PETER A<strong>IN</strong>SWORTHisland of ‘Bretagne’. The prologue to the Brut having evoked the fallof Troy and the principal reason for it (the abduction of Helen),Benoît’s project was thus to provide a history of the founding of thetown and to relate what became of it. The most recent editors ofthe Troie have highlighted another area of particular interest to Benoît,to which we have already made reference, namely, the opportunityto make a great show of his erudition:Benoît the clerk likes to demonstrate from time to time an encyclopedicerudition, or one which at least (ironically perhaps?) gives theappearance of the same: recollections of scholarly glosses, commentaries,quotations of biblical origin, fragments of lapidaries, bestiaries,and description of marvels—wrought by man or to be found in thenatural world. 52It would be unfair to tax Benoît with mere personal or professionalvanity, however. The writer has, after all, the duty to transmit hisknowledge to future generations, so that they can benefit from it. 53Writing in this way serves the purpose of preserving for posteritythe stories and wonders of the past:By evoking in language the objects, the splendors, the towns which nolonger exist, his descriptions confer upon them an immortality thatdestiny—Fortune or Aventure, as Benoît has it—refused them. 54That said, Benoît’s narrative still aims to please and entertain. Thedescriptions of combat reveal his enthusiasm for the epic, and evenif his conception of love differs in certain respects from that of thetroubadours and trouvères, it would never have found its voice withouttheir example. A manuscript now conserved at Nottingham bindstogether with the Roman de Troie, fabliaux, chansons de geste, and romans,a clue perhaps to the status which at least a proportion of his publicaccorded the work of Benoît. An even more eloquent indicatorin respect of the literariness of this text is the way in which Benoîtelected to interpret the temporality and chronology of his principalsources. Penny Eley has demonstrated how, in this poem of somethirty thousand lines and in spite of the strict example furnished by52Benoît de Sainte-Maure, Le Roman de Troie, ed. E. Baumgartner and F. Vielliard,in Lettres Gothiques, gen. ed. M. Zink (Paris, 1998), 9; my translation.53Cf. the Prologue to Marie de France’s Lais, ed. L. Harf-Lancner, coll. “LettresGothiques” (Paris, 1990).54Benoît, Troie, ed. Baumgartner and Vielliard, 12.

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