HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor

HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor

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LEGENDARY HISTORY: HISTORIA AND FABULA 399tournaments and the hunt, often involving fabulous animals; the subsequentpassage into the Other World, realm of the fantastic; theabolition of evil customs; finely developed portraits of chivalrouslovers and their ladies—these are just a few of the more characteristicaspects of the romances of Chrétien de Troyes, with their enigmaticsen and si belle conjointure. 43 The backdrop for Chrétien’s heroes(and the audience’s assumed familiarity with the Arthurian worldand its inhabitants) has been summarized in the following terms byMichel Zink:Not only does Chrétien, unlike Geoffroy of Monmouth and Wace, notset out to provide a narrative of the reign of King Arthur; he assumessuch familiarity on the part of his public with the Arthurian universethat explanations and information alike are rendered superfluous. Eachindividual narrative work is presented as a fragment, an uncoveredpart of a vast story whose underlying continuity, it is assumed, maybe readily mastered by any reader. None of the romances explicitlydepicts King Arthur, Queen Guinevere, the Round Table, its customsand knights. The poet is content to list these, assuming familiarity, asand when their presence is required to dignify a ceremony, tournamentor feast. To this is added that blend of disorientation and familiaritywhich accompanies the progress of the hero and his adventures.Hardly out of Arthur’s castle and under cover of the nearest forestmargin, he enters an unknown world, strange and threatening, but inwhich news circulates at an astonishing speed and where he constantlymeets characters who know him (sometimes better than he knows himself) and who reveal to him, in imperious and fragmentary fashion,his destiny. Like him, the reader evolves in a world of signs whichperpetually refer him back, implicitly and enigmatically, to a meaningpresented as self-evident and, for this very reason, hidden. The worldof these romances is a world laden with meaning yet mysterious in itsvery obviousness. 44This is less true of the romans d’antiquité and their authors who, inthe words of Emmanuèle Baumgartner, “do not seem to have travelledto the very end of the adventure of fiction”. 45 The earliest ofthese, the Roman de Thèbes (composed ca. 1150–55), obviously predatedChrétien’s earliest romance by a few years. Like the Romand’Enéas (ca. 1160) and the Roman de Troie (composed between 116043See in particular Chrétien’s Œuvres complètes, ed. D. Poirion, in Bibliothèque dela Pléiade (Paris, 1993).44Zink (1992), 144; my translation.45Baumgartner (1994), 2; my translation.

400 PETER AINSWORTHand 1170), the Roman de Thèbes aimed to impart to its aristocraticpublic a not inconsiderable part of the classical narrative heritage:“Their authors are clerks who declare their intent to make accessibleto laymen ignorant of Latin a knowledge to which they wouldotherwise have no means of access”. 46 Their intentions are, thus,both didactic and scholarly. If the Enéas author occasionally goes tothe extent of translating his source word for word, his relationshipwith it is often much more casual than this. Yet the Enéas is notdevoid of structure: A. Petit sees in it a balanced whole involvingthree major sections in a ratio of 1:2:1 (escape and voyage, the themeof the wanderer and his quest; the war undertaken by the hero toobtain both fief and wife; the fulfilment of his destiny). 47 Within theselarger divisions one can detect the presence—at a distance from oneanother or at much shorter intervals—of parallel or symmetrical narrativeunits, “conferring upon the narrative a binary rhythm whichmultiplies the effects of echo and antithesis”. In this light one mayusefully compare the love of Lavinia and Enéas with the tragic passionof Dido:Thus the loves of Dido, guilty and sensual widow, are set against thoseof Lavinia, the young inexperienced girl. These two sentimental episodes,marking two stages in the destiny of Enéas, are set in opposition toone another and echo one another from either end of the romance. 48Inasmuch as it draws together love and prowess within the contextof narrative fiction, this occasionally scrupulous adaptation of Vergil’sAeneid perhaps deserves to be known as ‘the first French novel’. Butthe (ever more elaborate) portrayal of love also finds expression in theThèbes and the Troie. Michel Zink summarizes the essential elements:All of these authors, abundantly and indulgently, depict the first stirringsof love, the disarray of a virginal heart as yet slow to recognizeits presence, the secrets confided to a mother or wet nurse which permitits identification, the self questioning, the timidity of the lovers,the recourse to ruses, and all the concealments, audacious initiatives,betrayals and confessions. 4946Le Roman d’Enéas, ed. Aimé Petit, in Lettres Gothiques, gen. ed. M. Zink (Paris,1997), 7; my translation.47Le Roman d’Enéas, ed. Petit, 12.48Le Roman d’Enéas, ed. Petit, 13–14; my translation.49Zink (1992), 135–36; my translation.

LEGENDARY HISTORY: HISTORIA AND FABULA 399tournaments and the hunt, often involving fabulous animals; the subsequentpassage into the Other World, realm of the fantastic; theabolition of evil customs; finely developed portraits of chivalrouslovers and their ladies—these are just a few of the more characteristicaspects of the romances of Chrétien de Troyes, with their enigmaticsen and si belle conjointure. 43 The backdrop for Chrétien’s heroes(and the audience’s assumed familiarity with the Arthurian worldand its inhabitants) has been summarized in the following terms byMichel Zink:Not only does Chrétien, unlike Geoffroy of Monmouth and Wace, notset out to provide a narrative of the reign of King Arthur; he assumessuch familiarity on the part of his public with the Arthurian universethat explanations and information alike are rendered superfluous. Eachindividual narrative work is presented as a fragment, an uncoveredpart of a vast story whose underlying continuity, it is assumed, maybe readily mastered by any reader. None of the romances explicitlydepicts King Arthur, Queen Guinevere, the Round Table, its customsand knights. The poet is content to list these, assuming familiarity, asand when their presence is required to dignify a ceremony, tournamentor feast. To this is added that blend of disorientation and familiaritywhich accompanies the progress of the hero and his adventures.Hardly out of Arthur’s castle and under cover of the nearest forestmargin, he enters an unknown world, strange and threatening, but inwhich news circulates at an astonishing speed and where he constantlymeets characters who know him (sometimes better than he knows himself) and who reveal to him, in imperious and fragmentary fashion,his destiny. Like him, the reader evolves in a world of signs whichperpetually refer him back, implicitly and enigmatically, to a meaningpresented as self-evident and, for this very reason, hidden. The worldof these romances is a world laden with meaning yet mysterious in itsvery obviousness. 44This is less true of the romans d’antiquité and their authors who, inthe words of Emmanuèle Baumgartner, “do not seem to have travelledto the very end of the adventure of fiction”. 45 The earliest ofthese, the Roman de Thèbes (composed ca. 1150–55), obviously predatedChrétien’s earliest romance by a few years. Like the Romand’Enéas (ca. 1160) and the Roman de Troie (composed between 116043See in particular Chrétien’s Œuvres complètes, ed. D. Poirion, in Bibliothèque dela Pléiade (Paris, 1993).44Zink (1992), 144; my translation.45Baumgartner (1994), 2; my translation.

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