HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor

HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor

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LEGENDARY HISTORY: HISTORIA AND FABULA 395to read and no longer just to listen. Using an idea of H. R. Jauss,Zumthor refuses to consider the historicity of these texts in terms ofveracity as it is understood today; with these authors historical eventsare those which have to be believed: “The opposition real/fictitiousdoes not apply”. 28 In these works, the formal constraints particularto the octosyllabic couplet imply “a certain folding back of the textupon itself, a concentration on the formalist intentions of the writer”: 29From this particular standpoint, the almost contemporaneous Histoiredes Anglais by Gaimar and the Roman de Thèbes, Guillaume de Saint-Pair’s Roman du Mont Saint-Michel and Chrétien de Troyes’ Erec belongto the same ‘genre’. 30So, how are we to distinguish pertinently between historiographyand romance? Contemporary generic designations are of no help tous in this regard. Renaut de Beaujeu, for example, calls his Bel Inconnuboth a ‘roummant’ and an ‘istoire’, and it is clear that both theseterms were, in general, interchangeable. 31 Gaimar describes himselfas a translator, but when referring to his own poem sometimes usesthe word ‘geste’, sometimes ‘vie’, and sometimes ‘estoire’—whilst atthe same time referring to the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle as a ‘chroniche’.Both Wace and Benoît de Sainte-Maure label their works ‘estoires’or ‘gestes’. 32 It could be ventured that certain vernacular accountsof the twelfth century have a relatively stronger narrative and aestheticstructure, a difference which becomes more discernible thecloser one gets to the thirteenth century. This structure is typicallybuilt around a central theme or themes composed of courtly and/orfantastic or merveilleux elements. Accounts which are more markedlyhistoriographical also comprise at least some of these elements, butas Douglas Kelly has pointed out, poems which develop a fictitiousintrigue on the basis of such elements contrive to liberate the textfrom its conventions of pure linearity, closing the story back uponitself and upon its structuring of the marvelous. 33 Paul Zumthor summarizesthis evolution as follows:28Zumthor (1975), 245; my translation.29Zumthor (1975), 244; my translation.30Zumthor (1975), 244; my translation.31Kelly (1974).32Blacker (1994), 2–3; Marichal (1968), 450.33Kelly (1974), 149.

396 PETER AINSWORTHHistoriography represents the real [elements of legend or facts vouchedfor] fragment by fragment, episode by episode, each unit, in its signifyinguniqueness, in principle equaling the others in dignity. The novelaspires to create its global meaning [which ‘superimposes itself ’ uponthe sensus litteralis], by means of a signifying syntax. 34Our intention remains that of pinning down, as far as is possible,the specificity of those romans whose dominant characteristic is theirpreoccupation with history. But we cannot accomplish that withoutfirst comparing them to their more overtly literary, legendary, andimaginary counterparts. That is why, for a few paragraphs, we proposeto discuss those octosyllabic verse narratives which, between1160 and 1190 or thereabouts, developed their plots by use of thefictitious, the legendary, and the fantastic, and which, increasingly,concerned themselves with the destiny of a (chivalrous) hero and,therefore, with an individual. Our approach is selective. It aims todetermine in what way these narratives might be differentiated frompredominantly ‘historical’ romans—which we will discuss in their turnwithin the same analytical framework.Let us first of all observe that the true meaning of these works ofimagination, whether they be the Lais of Marie de France or theromances of Chrétien de Troyes, is not readily discernible at thesurface, so to speak, of the text. No longer laying claim to a truththat is fundamentally or primarily referential (argues Michel Zink),the novels of Chrétien suggest another order of truth altogether,another type of meaning. “Distinct from the literal meaning of thetext, it nevertheless inheres within it and can only remain thus”. 35Furthermore, as Emmanuèle Baumgartner observes, with referenceto Chrétien’s mysterious literary settings, one is struck, precisely, bythe immanence of this closed world, “which rears up before us againsta backdrop of absence” and is “born, so it seems, solely at the behestand pleasure of the writer”: 36Everything changes with Chrétien de Troyes, even if the revolutiondoes not come about through the invention of a new form.... A muchmore significant break with the past, on the other hand, is his rejectionof subject matter derived from classical antiquity, even in legendaryguise, in favour of the matter of Britain, and his characteristic34Zumthor (1975), 248; my translation.35Zink (1992), 145; my translation.36Baumgartner (1994), 3; my translation.

LEGENDARY HISTORY: HISTORIA AND FABULA 395to read and no longer just to listen. Using an idea of H. R. Jauss,Zumthor refuses to consider the historicity of these texts in terms ofveracity as it is understood today; with these authors historical eventsare those which have to be believed: “The opposition real/fictitiousdoes not apply”. 28 In these works, the formal constraints particularto the octosyllabic couplet imply “a certain folding back of the textupon itself, a concentration on the formalist intentions of the writer”: 29From this particular standpoint, the almost contemporaneous Histoiredes Anglais by Gaimar and the Roman de Thèbes, Guillaume de Saint-Pair’s Roman du Mont Saint-Michel and Chrétien de Troyes’ Erec belongto the same ‘genre’. 30So, how are we to distinguish pertinently between historiographyand romance? Contemporary generic designations are of no help tous in this regard. Renaut de Beaujeu, for example, calls his Bel Inconnuboth a ‘roummant’ and an ‘istoire’, and it is clear that both theseterms were, in general, interchangeable. 31 Gaimar describes himselfas a translator, but when referring to his own poem sometimes usesthe word ‘geste’, sometimes ‘vie’, and sometimes ‘estoire’—whilst atthe same time referring to the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle as a ‘chroniche’.Both Wace and Benoît de Sainte-Maure label their works ‘estoires’or ‘gestes’. 32 It could be ventured that certain vernacular accountsof the twelfth century have a relatively stronger narrative and aestheticstructure, a difference which becomes more discernible thecloser one gets to the thirteenth century. This structure is typicallybuilt around a central theme or themes composed of courtly and/orfantastic or merveilleux elements. Accounts which are more markedlyhistoriographical also comprise at least some of these elements, butas Douglas Kelly has pointed out, poems which develop a fictitiousintrigue on the basis of such elements contrive to liberate the textfrom its conventions of pure linearity, closing the story back uponitself and upon its structuring of the marvelous. 33 Paul Zumthor summarizesthis evolution as follows:28Zumthor (1975), 245; my translation.29Zumthor (1975), 244; my translation.30Zumthor (1975), 244; my translation.31Kelly (1974).32Blacker (1994), 2–3; Marichal (1968), 450.33Kelly (1974), 149.

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