HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor
HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor
BIOGRAPHY 1000‒1350 381is characterized by a self-righteous attack on those who failed tounderstand the mission of a man whose intellectual capacity clearlyfar outdistanced his adversaries. 79The ‘autobiography’ attributed to Pope Celestine V (†1294) onlydeals with the first thirty years of his life. It chronicles his childhoodin a small village of the Abruzzi, admission to the Benedictine order,and establishment of a new religious order that combined featuresof the Franciscan and Benedictine rules. In all likelihood, this workwas not written by Celestine himself but was, rather, based on therecollections of his disciples, who sought to strengthen the case forhis canonization. While probably containing authentic details abouthis large family and the difficulties of rural life, the many miraclesand visions conform to standard precedents, placing the work closerto the hagiographical tradition. This work falls into a tradition ofconfessional literature particularly prevalent in Franciscan and penitentialcircles in the late thirteenth century, including the lives ofAngela of Foligno and Margaret of Cortona, which were written bytheir confessors and contain visions and revelations. The thousandsof such visions and revelations interspersed in medieval literaturemay be noted as a widespread autobiographical form, although thestereotypical descriptions of the otherworld, conflict with the devil,or encounters with heavenly persons often lack individuality. Nevertheless,such visions play an increasingly important part in later medievalhagiography as illustrations of the saint’s inner life, produced by bothlay and religious persons, and they helped to propagate the Christiangeography of the otherworld. In the lives of Hildegard of Bingen,Catherine of Siena, John of Roquetaillade, and Bridget of Swedenthe visions represent a medium for voicing political views. 80 WhileElizabeth of Schönau’s Liber visionum, written by her confessor Ekbert,represents a kind of spiritual biography, her Revelationes de sacro exercituvirginum coloniensium (1156/57) served to authenticate the relics of St.Ursula and the eleven thousand virgins buried at Cologne. Saintswere not the only persons whose visions have survived, however, andthe exempla literature in particular contains reports drawn from allsectors of the population, although those selected clearly aimedto provide a moral message or to validate Christian theology. For79Goodich (1998), 89–103.80Dinzelbacher (1991), 35.
382 MICHAEL GOODICHexample, the 1196 vision of the afterlife provided by the novice monkEdmund of Eynsham, who had remained unconscious for two days,refers to persons known to the visionary along with a detailed Christianaccount of the geography and the genres of sinners likely to suffer inthe next world. 81 At the same time, both natural scientists and theologiansdealt with the etiology and meaning of dreams, and this literaturemay assist us to understand how medieval persons interpretedthe figures and symbols that appear in dreams and revelations. 82Investigations of heresy undertaken by the Inquisition have providedsome of the most fruitful sources for personal recollections,albeit produced under coercive conditions. The widely researchedinvestigation undertaken in 1320/23 by Jacques Fournier, bishop ofPamiers (later elected Pope Benedict XII), although focusing onheresy and its dissemination has provided rather detailed accountsof the lives of such colorful figures as Bernard Delicieux, Beatricede Planissoles, Baruch of Languedoc, and Arnaud of Verniolle, amongothers. 83 If traditional literary autobiography was religious and apologetic,such trial records indirectly provide evidence concerning theeating habits, sex life, and superstitions of a wider circle of the population.In the same way, canonization trials, in which a broad rangeof witnesses—men and women, clergy and laity, urban and rural—testified under oath in support of a candidate for sainthood, providethe social historian with indirect information about the lives of commonfolk. Although the testimony dealt with the saint’s life or miracles,such narratives have been employed by social historians interestedin the daily life, medical problems and practical concerns of thelaity. 84 In the same way, the remissions issued by the royal court ofthe Châtelet contain colorful reports of the Parisian demi-monde inthe late fourteenth century and may provide a portrait of outcastsof medieval society. These detailed accounts may well assist us inthe composition of the kind of micro-history which has long eludedhistorians, who have been more concerned with the use of such trialsfor institutional history or the history of religious ideas. The testimonyof several witnesses to the same miracle in a canonization trial81‘Visio monachi de Eynsham’, ed. H. Thurston, Analecta Bollandiana 22 (1903),225–319.82Goodich (1991).83For translations of some of these sources, see Goodich (1998), 39–52, 117–43,201–15.84Finucane (1997).
- Page 339 and 340: 330 AUGUSTO VASINApanorama, without
- Page 341 and 342: 332 AUGUSTO VASINAcertainly an inac
- Page 343 and 344: 334 AUGUSTO VASINAmoralistic affirm
- Page 345 and 346: 336 AUGUSTO VASINAabsolutely of ope
- Page 347 and 348: 338 AUGUSTO VASINAProceeding along
- Page 349 and 350: 340 AUGUSTO VASINAnovitates. But in
- Page 351 and 352: 342 AUGUSTO VASINAwith titles attac
- Page 353 and 354: 344 AUGUSTO VASINAcanon of St. Autb
- Page 355 and 356: 346 AUGUSTO VASINAchronicles interr
- Page 357 and 358: 348 AUGUSTO VASINAevents, appear in
- Page 359 and 360: 350 AUGUSTO VASINAwritten sometimes
- Page 361 and 362: 352 AUGUSTO VASINAThe present list
- Page 363 and 364: 354 MICHAEL GOODICHcentury, Matthew
- Page 365 and 366: 356 MICHAEL GOODICHDominican provin
- Page 367 and 368: 358 MICHAEL GOODICHentrusted with r
- Page 369 and 370: 360 MICHAEL GOODICHBecause our soul
- Page 371 and 372: 362 MICHAEL GOODICHevidence of Eliz
- Page 373 and 374: 364 MICHAEL GOODICHCanonization and
- Page 375 and 376: 366 MICHAEL GOODICHof Hildesheim, W
- Page 377 and 378: 368 MICHAEL GOODICHdated between 13
- Page 379 and 380: 370 MICHAEL GOODICHa different set
- Page 381 and 382: 372 MICHAEL GOODICHoften contained
- Page 383 and 384: 374 MICHAEL GOODICHprivileges and s
- Page 385 and 386: 376 MICHAEL GOODICHthat he had been
- Page 387 and 388: 378 MICHAEL GOODICHIn the late twel
- Page 389: 380 MICHAEL GOODICHvariety of autho
- Page 393 and 394: 384 MICHAEL GOODICHMany of the issu
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- Page 397 and 398: 388 PETER AINSWORTHaccount. The lea
- Page 399 and 400: 390 PETER AINSWORTHsurely have so m
- Page 401 and 402: 392 PETER AINSWORTHname of the Lord
- Page 403 and 404: 394 PETER AINSWORTHthe war a certai
- Page 405 and 406: 396 PETER AINSWORTHHistoriography r
- Page 407 and 408: 398 PETER AINSWORTHlink connecting
- Page 409 and 410: 400 PETER AINSWORTHand 1170), the R
- Page 411 and 412: 402 PETER AINSWORTHisland of ‘Bre
- Page 413 and 414: 404 PETER AINSWORTHHis descriptions
- Page 415 and 416: 406 PETER AINSWORTHDes altres tuz f
- Page 417 and 418: 408 PETER AINSWORTHA jugleours oï
- Page 419 and 420: 410 PETER AINSWORTHof Saint-Quentin
- Page 421 and 422: 412 PETER AINSWORTHseen that it gav
- Page 423 and 424: 414 PETER AINSWORTHA second approac
- Page 425 and 426: 416 PETER AINSWORTHa large degree,
- Page 427 and 428: 418 BIBLIOGRAPHYA. I. Pini, P. Ross
- Page 429 and 430: 420 BIBLIOGRAPHYCorvey”. Pp. 875-
- Page 431 and 432: 422 BIBLIOGRAPHYBurke, P. (1991).
- Page 433 and 434: 424 BIBLIOGRAPHYd’Alatri, M., and
- Page 435 and 436: 426 BIBLIOGRAPHY——. (1985b).
- Page 437 and 438: 428 BIBLIOGRAPHYFuhrmann, H. (1963)
- Page 439 and 440: 430 BIBLIOGRAPHY——. Histoire et
BIOGRAPHY 1000‒1350 381is characterized by a self-righteous attack on those who failed tounderstand the mission of a man whose intellectual capacity clearlyfar outdistanced his adversaries. 79The ‘autobiography’ attributed to Pope Celestine V (†1294) onlydeals with the first thirty years of his life. It chronicles his childhoodin a small village of the Abruzzi, admission to the Benedictine order,and establishment of a new religious order that combined featuresof the Franciscan and Benedictine rules. In all likelihood, this workwas not written by Celestine himself but was, rather, based on therecollections of his disciples, who sought to strengthen the case forhis canonization. While probably containing authentic details abouthis large family and the difficulties of rural life, the many miraclesand visions conform to standard precedents, placing the work closerto the hagiographical tradition. This work falls into a tradition ofconfessional literature particularly prevalent in Franciscan and penitentialcircles in the late thirteenth century, including the lives ofAngela of Foligno and Margaret of Cortona, which were written bytheir confessors and contain visions and revelations. The thousandsof such visions and revelations interspersed in medieval literaturemay be noted as a widespread autobiographical form, although thestereotypical descriptions of the otherworld, conflict with the devil,or encounters with heavenly persons often lack individuality. Nevertheless,such visions play an increasingly important part in later medievalhagiography as illustrations of the saint’s inner life, produced by bothlay and religious persons, and they helped to propagate the Christiangeography of the otherworld. In the lives of Hildegard of Bingen,Catherine of Siena, John of Roquetaillade, and Bridget of Swedenthe visions represent a medium for voicing political views. 80 WhileElizabeth of Schönau’s Liber visionum, written by her confessor Ekbert,represents a kind of spiritual biography, her Revelationes de sacro exercituvirginum coloniensium (1156/57) served to authenticate the relics of St.Ursula and the eleven thousand virgins buried at Cologne. Saintswere not the only persons whose visions have survived, however, andthe exempla literature in particular contains reports drawn from allsectors of the population, although those selected clearly aimedto provide a moral message or to validate Christian theology. For79Goodich (1998), 89–103.80Dinzelbacher (1991), 35.