HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor

HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor

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MEDIEVAL URBAN HISTORIOGRAPHY 343Middle Ages end up expressing a civic consciousness in a unitarysense: they must, in fact, record the status of the cives in subordinationto the traditional hierarchical order, based on the high clergyand the great aristocracy, and the conditions of passivity, of danger,and of injury suffered by the civitates because of the increasing domesticconflicts of local potentates and the hostility of these to the actionsof centralization by sovereign powers into national states.A count made of the narrative sources in question from internationaland national catalogues and from principal collections of editionsof medieval annals and chronicles, 64 using rigorous criteria,suggests that we are dealing with a drastic selection of texts, reducedhere to a small list out of a number that initially appears quite high.Some of these could not be given an accurate and analytic description,for reasons already indicated above, and for other motives,which will be stated from time to time. Above all, the texts chosenare quite far from being adequately representative of the urban centersof the extensive and varied historical, ethnic, and national areasof transalpine Europe during the later Middle Ages. In fact, in contrastto the Franco-Germanic network along the Rhine, where therewas a notable density of urban centers with relatively appropriatehistoriographical traditions, 65 there are other areas less or not at allcovered by authentic expressions of urban chronicle-writing—forexample, the British Isles (making exception, but not in an entirelysatisfactory and convincing way, for London), the Scandinavian peninsula,in part the Polish and Slavic worlds, and also the Iberian peninsula,where other forms of historiographical activity prevail, or whereurban annals has been exhausted or had not yet reached a point ofmaturation. 66One work, among thirty or so selected texts, that presents manycharacteristics which can number it among true urban chronicles isthe Annales Cameracenses (Cambrai, 1099–1170), composed between1152 and 1170 by Lambertus Waterlos (1108–ca. 1170), regular64See on this notes 3, 8, 9, and 63 above.65We are dealing in particular with the large and extensive river network of theRhine, which includes ten cities or almost-cities of sufficiently pertinent, and sometimeseven significant, historiographical production.66Chronicle-production in question is scarce in middle-eastern Germany and inthe Slavic area, while four centers in the league looking out on the North andBaltic seas have left testimonies of some importance in the scope of historiographicalactivity in question.

344 AUGUSTO VASINAcanon of St. Autbertus of this same city of Flanders. 67 In contrastto most transalpine chroniclers, the author does not go back to theremote past, nor does he follow the schemes of universalistic historiography;instead, he provides, to a public of presumably ecclesiasticalreaders, information about the lived present, covering an arrayof local and regional interests, attempting to understand above allecclesiastical circumstances and events. In particular, Lambertus triesto give narrative continuity to specific urban and territorial themes,linking them to the current traditions of the local episcopate and tothe most representative of its bishops, as, for example, Nicholas. Wecan see that next to the bishop of Cambrai, starting in 1137–38, isregistered the presence, ever more lively, of the cives, among whomthe chronicler singles out the influential classes of the magnates andproceres: an urban laity that already in the twelfth century is ratherresourceful and that alternates sides—now in collaboration, now inconflict with the local bishop. The narrative horizon of the chroniclertends to widen from strictly local conflicts (for example thatagainst the castle of St. Autbertus) to struggles between the urbanbishop and the counts of Flanders, to relations with the Empire, withthe crusades, and to the delicate question of the subjection of thediocese of Cambrai first by the ecclesiastical metropolitan of Cologne,then of Reims. 68A more advanced phase of the history of German cities is seenin the Annales Lubicenses (Lubeck, 1264–1324), which illustrate diverseevents of a port city on the shores of the Baltic Sea. 69 Its genesis iscomplex: considered a continuation of the Annales of Albert Stadense,it has been attributed, for the part after the year 1267, to Conrad,a dean of the city, a chronicler contemporary with the deeds narrated,who is quite attentive to the urban connections between clergyand laity and, in particular, to the local episcopal tradition. He doesnot neglect to illustrate also, however, in modest Latin and presumablyto a large public of readers in his patria, the controversial67Lambertus Waterlos, Annales Cameracenses, ed. G. H. Pertz, MGH SS 16 (Hannover,1859), 509 ff.68Lambertus Waterlos, Annales Cameracenses, ed. Pertz, passim. This work, alreadyknown and published in the course of the nineteenth century, has been made theobject of more detailed studies in the course of the twentieth century. See Potthast(1962–98), 7:116.69Annales Lubicenses, ed. J. M. Lappenberg, MGH SS 16 (Hannover, 1859) 411–29.

MEDIEVAL URBAN <strong>HISTORIOGRAPHY</strong> 343Middle Ages end up expressing a civic consciousness in a unitarysense: they must, in fact, record the status of the cives in subordinationto the traditional hierarchical order, based on the high clergyand the great aristocracy, and the conditions of passivity, of danger,and of injury suffered by the civitates because of the increasing domesticconflicts of local potentates and the hostility of these to the actionsof centralization by sovereign powers into national states.A count made of the narrative sources in question from internationaland national catalogues and from principal collections of editionsof medieval annals and chronicles, 64 using rigorous criteria,suggests that we are dealing with a drastic selection of texts, reducedhere to a small list out of a number that initially appears quite high.Some of these could not be given an accurate and analytic description,for reasons already indicated above, and for other motives,which will be stated from time to time. Above all, the texts chosenare quite far from being adequately representative of the urban centersof the extensive and varied historical, ethnic, and national areasof transalpine Europe during the later Middle Ages. In fact, in contrastto the Franco-Germanic network along the Rhine, where therewas a notable density of urban centers with relatively appropriatehistoriographical traditions, 65 there are other areas less or not at allcovered by authentic expressions of urban chronicle-writing—forexample, the British Isles (making exception, but not in an entirelysatisfactory and convincing way, for London), the Scandinavian peninsula,in part the Polish and Slavic worlds, and also the Iberian peninsula,where other forms of historiographical activity prevail, or whereurban annals has been exhausted or had not yet reached a point ofmaturation. 66One work, among thirty or so selected texts, that presents manycharacteristics which can number it among true urban chronicles isthe Annales Cameracenses (Cambrai, 1099–1170), composed between1152 and 1170 by Lambertus Waterlos (1108–ca. 1170), regular64See on this notes 3, 8, 9, and 63 above.65We are dealing in particular with the large and extensive river network of theRhine, which includes ten cities or almost-cities of sufficiently pertinent, and sometimeseven significant, historiographical production.66Chronicle-production in question is scarce in middle-eastern Germany and inthe Slavic area, while four centers in the league looking out on the North andBaltic seas have left testimonies of some importance in the scope of historiographicalactivity in question.

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