HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor

HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor

juliano.multiculturas.com
from juliano.multiculturas.com More from this publisher
21.07.2015 Views

MEDIEVAL URBAN HISTORIOGRAPHY 321characterize the varied and intense urban historiographical productionof the medieval centuries after 1000 by factors other thandifferences in ethno-national and cultural areas. An acceptance andapplication of selective criteria suggested below could aid in definingthe historiographical typology in question in yet more rigorous terms.To begin with, we should reconsider the cultural values of the emergingphenomenon of communal autonomy, which is encountered, andeventually in every city is resolved, either in some form of administrativemanagement of the res publica, or in attainment of a stageof maturation in the political sense, that involves the greater part ofthe urban classes and in particular the intellectual classes (notaries,judges, masters, etc.). We also should consider whether this autonomyhas been able always to energize the collective imagination ofthe cives, placing itself at the center of the whole experience—notjust political—of each urban community; and, in a positive case, towhat degree this or that chronicler has succeeded in discovering aprinciple of communal identity in this tendentially absorbing andunifying experience, and in transmitting a strong consciousness of itfrom generation to generation. 10It seems evident that, in order to be able to begin this examinationwith some hope of a positive outcome, some elementary conditionsmust be fulfilled. First, we must succeed in defining someessential biographical data about the chroniclers—at least thoseidentified by name—above all about their familial, social, professional,and cultural profiles, in order to be able to establish theirstatus and a sense of their connection with the urban world—aboveall, with its institutions. That is, we must determine whether we aredealing with a report of an official functionary, permanent or temporary,or with an independent and unofficial report. 11 But even atthis level of inquiry we encounter notable difficulty in answering10After the publication of the Atti dell’ XI Convegno storico internazionaledell’Accademia Tudertina (11–14 ottobre 1970) on the theme “La coscienza cittadinanei comuni italiani del Duecento” (Todi, 1972), interesting considerationsand observations on civic sentiment in Italian urban centers in the later MiddleAges and on their reflections in contemporary civic historiography appeared in variousarticles published in Il senso della storia (1995), passim.11Arnaldi (1966) was among the first scholars to confront the issue of delineatingthe figure of the notary-chronicler in the medieval Italian city. Such biographicalqueries recur systematically in the entries of chroniclers from Emilia Romagna;cf. Andreolli et al., eds. (1991), passim.

322 AUGUSTO VASINAthese proposed biographical questions. Relatively difficult even forthe urban historiography of north-central Italy after 1000, the questionsbecome decidedly less answerable for the urban chronicle productionof most countries of transalpine Europe, which, in general,is less copious, is less studied, has (for the most part) a less numerousand more fragmentary presence of witnesses, and is almost alwaysanonymous. 12Other inescapable conditions arise from the necessity of singlingout and characterizing for each city the diverse peculiarities of itspolitical, institutional, economic, social, and cultural development, inorder to be able to adequately situate the various historiographicalproductions and the activities of each chronicler. In this case, thetask of expanding our historical knowledge of later medieval Italianand European cities has been abundantly undertaken, above all inthe second half of the twentieth century, by specialists of medievalurban history, through a continuous series of learned monographs,more or less ample in both analytical and synthetic breadth. 13 As awhole, this rich and articulate production of studies of urban historymakes it less difficult, and more equivalent among the variousregions of medieval Europe, to investigate the facts of the particularsurrounding conditions and of the individual processes of theirdevelopment in diverse, important urban centers, especially in thecultural sense, and of the specific evolution of collective mentalityand civic consciousness. Even so, for certain regions and centers,obstacles persist that are not negligible for expanding our knowledgein these particular sectors. In fact, one must admit that in not a fewcases the indispensable operation of crossing and comparing dataacquired by the biographical investigations of chroniclers with theseresults of the research of the ambient and structural character of thecity does not allow us to respond in an adequate measure to thenumerous questions which are at the base of this article.12This is one of the aims of Potthast (1962–98), vols. 2 and 3, respectively, underthe terms Annales and Chronica or Cronica or even Chronicon. For a suitable comparisonof narrative texts of medieval transalpine historiography distinguished by nationalareas, one can still see the MGH, SS (n. 3 above). See also van Houts (1995),“Bibliography”, 9–12. The difficulty of working in this larger field of research ofthe rest of Europe appears also from reading the works by Guenée (1980), passim,which are only marginally interesting to medieval urban historiography.13This is seen already in Dupré (1956) and Dupré (1958); still useful in thisregard is Ottokar (1948), 3–65 and 179–82 (above all for the Italian and Frenchcities); cf., in particular for Germany, Ennen (1972).

322 AUGUSTO VAS<strong>IN</strong>Athese proposed biographical questions. Relatively difficult even forthe urban historiography of north-central Italy after 1000, the questionsbecome decidedly less answerable for the urban chronicle productionof most countries of transalpine Europe, which, in general,is less copious, is less studied, has (for the most part) a less numerousand more fragmentary presence of witnesses, and is almost alwaysanonymous. 12Other inescapable conditions arise from the necessity of singlingout and characterizing for each city the diverse peculiarities of itspolitical, institutional, economic, social, and cultural development, inorder to be able to adequately situate the various historiographicalproductions and the activities of each chronicler. In this case, thetask of expanding our historical knowledge of later medieval Italianand European cities has been abundantly undertaken, above all inthe second half of the twentieth century, by specialists of medievalurban history, through a continuous series of learned monographs,more or less ample in both analytical and synthetic breadth. 13 As awhole, this rich and articulate production of studies of urban historymakes it less difficult, and more equivalent among the variousregions of medieval Europe, to investigate the facts of the particularsurrounding conditions and of the individual processes of theirdevelopment in diverse, important urban centers, especially in thecultural sense, and of the specific evolution of collective mentalityand civic consciousness. Even so, for certain regions and centers,obstacles persist that are not negligible for expanding our knowledgein these particular sectors. In fact, one must admit that in not a fewcases the indispensable operation of crossing and comparing dataacquired by the biographical investigations of chroniclers with theseresults of the research of the ambient and structural character of thecity does not allow us to respond in an adequate measure to thenumerous questions which are at the base of this article.12This is one of the aims of Potthast (1962–98), vols. 2 and 3, respectively, underthe terms Annales and Chronica or Cronica or even Chronicon. For a suitable comparisonof narrative texts of medieval transalpine historiography distinguished by nationalareas, one can still see the MGH, SS (n. 3 above). See also van Houts (1995),“Bibliography”, 9–12. The difficulty of working in this larger field of research ofthe rest of Europe appears also from reading the works by Guenée (1980), passim,which are only marginally interesting to medieval urban historiography.13This is seen already in Dupré (1956) and Dupré (1958); still useful in thisregard is Ottokar (1948), 3–65 and 179–82 (above all for the Italian and Frenchcities); cf., in particular for Germany, Ennen (1972).

Hooray! Your file is uploaded and ready to be published.

Saved successfully!

Ooh no, something went wrong!