HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor

HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor

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LATER MEDIEVAL INSTITUTIONAL HISTORY 281historiographical traditions and a royal court trying to legitimate itspower and to boost its literary culture brought about a significanthistoriographical production. 11In French royal monasteries comparable developments took place.Famous are the formidable historiographical activities in the abbeysof Fleury, Saint-Germain-des-Prés, Saint-Magloire, and Saint-Denis.From the early eleventh century onwards, these centres producedGestae & Vitae Abbatum, saints’ lives and royal biographies, alongsideof histories of the Franks and the French realm. Good examples arethe works of Aimon of Fleury and its continuations, the works ofRaoul le Tourtier and Hugh of Fleury, the history of Louis VI bySuger of St. Denis, the Roman des Rois of the Saint-Denis monk Primat(fl. 1274), the subsequent works of Guillaume de Nangis and RichardLescot, and the ultimate literary offspring of combined monastic androyal patronage: the thirteenth-and fourteenth-century Grandes Chroniquesde France. 12For monastic historians, dynastic aspects were not the sole impetusto extend the historiographical scope. The ongoing interest inchronographical matters and the strong salvation-historical, exegeticaland eschatological concerns of medieval monastic authors enticedmany of them to follow the lead of Eusebius and Jerome. Hencethey engaged in the production or continuation of universal chroniclesand forms of ecclesiastical history. Frequently, such works wereconceived as universal chronicles from the outset, for which I wouldlike to refer the reader to other chapters. Sometimes, however, suchworks grew out of an ever-expanding monastic history. This was forinstance the case with the aforementioned Historia ecclesiastica of OrdericVitalis. Before 1120, Orderic was asked by his abbot Roger of St.Évroul to write a history of the cloister. In the writing process (whichlasted until 1141), the scope of his work gradually expanded into afull-blown history of the world. Notwithstanding this evolution, Ordericcomposed the work as a whole primarily for his fellow brethren andfor the liturgical praxis of his monastery. 13The work of Orderic Vitalis was not exceptional. Many monasticchroniclers placed the history of their monastic institution in a11Cf. Dyer (1990), 141–58, 248–51; Houts (1995), 20.12Spiegel (1978); Guenée (1986), 189–214; Bautier (1994), 59–72.13The Ecclesiastical History of Orderic Vitalis, ed. M. Chibnall, 6 vols. (Oxford,1969–80); Hofmann (1987), 415–16.

282 BERT ROESTwider salvation-historical perspective. Thus forms of order historywith hagiographic overtones appeared, 14 as well as forms of ecclesiasticalhistory in which the history of the monastery or the orderwas carefully embedded in the history of the Church (as happenedin the Historia Ecclesiastica of Hugh of Fleury). 15 In the late MiddleAges, comparable perspectives were developed by mendicant chroniclers,who had reasons of their own to link the emergence and thesignificance of their religious orders to a (hierocratic) history of theChurch at large. To this kind of mendicant historiography, whichitself was inspired by the longstanding Liber pontificalis tradition, I willreturn later on. 16In the period after ca. 1200, monastic historiography did not subside,even when it lost some of its prominence to the mendicantsand various non-religious protagonists. In fact, the late Middle Agesabound in monastic chronicles of every kind: short annals limited toone particular foundation (from the high Middle Ages onwards, annalscontinued to be a ‘basic vehicle’ for local institutional history), fullyfledgedmonastic chronicles with overtones of dynastic history, aswell as specimens of monastic reform historiography, in which theperspective could be much broader than the community for whichthe chronicle was intended.No use then, to lament the decline of monastic historiographyduring the late medieval period. There certainly was a breach: thePlague epidemics of 1347/9 caused the abrupt termination of manylocal monastic and non-monastic historiographical traditions. Thelater fourteenth century was, in a sense, a time without history. 17This should not be interpreted as a full decline of monastic historicalwriting, as has been done in the past. Monastic historical writingwas taken up again in the course of the fifteenth century, frequentlyin connection with observant reforms.The early observants, whether monks or friars, almost everywhereturned their back on ‘superfluous’ learning, towards a ‘more pure’religious life. They were more concerned with the production of14Such as the Exordium magnum Cisterciense sive narratio de initio Cisterciensis ordinis,ed. Br. Griesser (Rome, 1961), by Conrad of Eberbach (fl. ca. 1200).15Cf. Hofmann (1987), 413 ff.16Zimmerman (1960); Hofmann (1987), 413.17Sprandel (1987), passim.

LATER MEDIEVAL <strong>IN</strong>STITUTIONAL HISTORY 281historiographical traditions and a royal court trying to legitimate itspower and to boost its literary culture brought about a significanthistoriographical production. 11In French royal monasteries comparable developments took place.Famous are the formidable historiographical activities in the abbeysof Fleury, Saint-Germain-des-Prés, Saint-Magloire, and Saint-Denis.From the early eleventh century onwards, these centres producedGestae & Vitae Abbatum, saints’ lives and royal biographies, alongsideof histories of the Franks and the French realm. Good examples arethe works of Aimon of Fleury and its continuations, the works ofRaoul le Tourtier and Hugh of Fleury, the history of Louis VI bySuger of St. Denis, the Roman des Rois of the Saint-Denis monk Primat(fl. 1274), the subsequent works of Guillaume de Nangis and RichardLescot, and the ultimate literary offspring of combined monastic androyal patronage: the thirteenth-and fourteenth-century Grandes Chroniquesde France. 12For monastic historians, dynastic aspects were not the sole impetusto extend the historiographical scope. The ongoing interest inchronographical matters and the strong salvation-historical, exegeticaland eschatological concerns of medieval monastic authors enticedmany of them to follow the lead of Eusebius and Jerome. Hencethey engaged in the production or continuation of universal chroniclesand forms of ecclesiastical history. Frequently, such works wereconceived as universal chronicles from the outset, for which I wouldlike to refer the reader to other chapters. Sometimes, however, suchworks grew out of an ever-expanding monastic history. This was forinstance the case with the aforementioned Historia ecclesiastica of OrdericVitalis. Before 1120, Orderic was asked by his abbot Roger of St.Évroul to write a history of the cloister. In the writing process (whichlasted until 1141), the scope of his work gradually expanded into afull-blown history of the world. Notwithstanding this evolution, Ordericcomposed the work as a whole primarily for his fellow brethren andfor the liturgical praxis of his monastery. 13The work of Orderic Vitalis was not exceptional. Many monasticchroniclers placed the history of their monastic institution in a11Cf. Dyer (1990), 141–58, 248–51; Houts (1995), 20.12Spiegel (1978); Guenée (1986), 189–214; Bautier (1994), 59–72.13The Ecclesiastical History of Orderic Vitalis, ed. M. Chibnall, 6 vols. (Oxford,1969–80); Hofmann (1987), 415–16.

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