HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor

HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor

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LATER MEDIEVAL INSTITUTIONAL HISTORY 279The monastic chronicle recorded the authentic monastic life, relatingthe miracles performed by patron saints, and the religious habitsand deeds of past generations of monks and abbots, who needed tobe commemorated through meditation and prayer. This aspect explainswhy monastic chronicles frequently incorporate necrologies (libri mortuum)and consuetudines, and sometimes grew out of them. Throughoutthe medieval period, many monastic chronicles (as well as those concerningchurches) have remained anonymous: a sign that not theindividual but the community was important. 4During periods of religious reform, in the tenth-early eleventh century(Cluny) and again in the twelfth century (Citeaux and Prémontré),monastics consciously used the writing of history to depict their ownreformed monastic community over against older ones, and as ameans to strengthen the reform ideal among their own members.No wonder that monastic chronicles abound in ages of monasticreform. Among these are famous ones, such as the Gesta abbatum ofCluny, the Gesta abbatum Gemblacensium of Sigebert of Gembloux, andthe series of monastic chronicles of Monte Cassino, which eventuallyfound their more or less definite reworking by Petrus Diaconusafter 1138. 5The Gesta abbatum were institutional histories shaped as serial biographiesof the community’s first abbots: the dominant authority figures,who bore responsibility for the community as a whole and often determinedits success. These biographies were modelled on saints’ lives,and could serve comparable liturgical, edifying and commemorativepurposes. This complicates the distinction between monastic historiographyand monastic hagiography. The earliest event in a monasticchronicle usually is a miracle of the founder-saint or a comparablemiracle worker. Saints’ lives and legendaries written in a monasticsetting as well as monastic annals and chronicles frequently tell acomparable history of the places where saints lived, founded monasteries,performed their miracles, and where their relics were kept. 64Houts (1995), 30–31 (also for more information concerning the authorship ofmonastic chronicles in male and female settings). On the relationship between monastichistory and practices of commemoration, see in particular Oexle (1995), 9–78.5Richter (1972); Goetz (1988), 455–88; Goetz (1989), 135–53; Waha (1977),989–1036; Hofmann (1973), 59–162; Schmale (1985), 137–38.6Houts (1995), 15 and 29, mentions for instance the Inventio et miracula sanctiVulfranni, produced in Saint-Wandrille in Normandy (ca. 1053–54), which “is asmuch a chronicle of the refoundation and growth of the monastery as it is anaccount of the discovery of the body of St. Vulfran”. See also Houts (1989), 233–51.

280 BERT ROESTMonastic chronicles also codified obtained privileges and landedpossessions; the economic life-blood of the traditional religious houses.This provided incentives for incorporating documents and charters,and for including detailed reports of duly witnessed donations bygenerous benefactors. Hence there exists considerable overlap betweenmonastic chronicles (or comparable forms of local institutional history)and document collections pertaining to particular institutions.Cases in point are the so-called monastic chartulary chronicles andthe later medieval urban town books. 7Traditional monastic houses and foundations of regular canons asa rule were established with aristocratic support and kept close relationswith noble benefactors. Many monastic chronicles thereforeincorporate a (partial) history of the founding aristocratic dynasty,making it hard to draw the line between monastic chronicles anddynastic history. 8 If dynasties gained a supra-regional or even pan-European importance, monastic chronicles incorporating their deedscould evolve into forms of territorial history and beyond.In the German lands, where several monasteries were imperialfoundations, monastic chronicles could include a partial history ofthe German Empire, providing the monastic house and its imperialbenefactors with a proper world-historical lineage. This was particularlyfashionable during the Ottonian and early Staufen period. 9 Inpost-conquest England and Normandy monastic historiography andAnglo-Norman dynastic historiography were also closely linked, witnessthe monastic chronicles of St. Augustine’s Abbey in Canterbury. 10An almost automatic overflow from local monastic history and hagiographyto a Historia Anglorum and world-historical compilations, is alsovisible in the works of Matthew Paris (ca. 1200–59), a monk fromSt. Albans. In the Iberian Peninsula, we can signal several literaryendeavours under Alfonso X of Castile in the thirteenth century,and the fourteenth-century historiographical initiatives under PedroIV of Aragon. In both cases, the combination of strong monastic7Cf. Houts (1995), 16, 29 ff.; Genet (1977), 95–138; Patze (1977). Hofmann(1987), 427–28, mentions also the chartulary chronicle of John of Vincentio (1144),the so-called Chronicon S. Vincentii Vulturensis.8Cf. Patze (1964), 8–81, and (1965), 67–128; Patze (1987), 331–70; Houts (1995),3 ff., 32.9Schmale (1985), 96.10Emms (1995), 159–68.

LATER MEDIEVAL <strong>IN</strong>STITUTIONAL HISTORY 279The monastic chronicle recorded the authentic monastic life, relatingthe miracles performed by patron saints, and the religious habitsand deeds of past generations of monks and abbots, who needed tobe commemorated through meditation and prayer. This aspect explainswhy monastic chronicles frequently incorporate necrologies (libri mortuum)and consuetudines, and sometimes grew out of them. Throughoutthe medieval period, many monastic chronicles (as well as those concerningchurches) have remained anonymous: a sign that not theindividual but the community was important. 4During periods of religious reform, in the tenth-early eleventh century(Cluny) and again in the twelfth century (Citeaux and Prémontré),monastics consciously used the writing of history to depict their ownreformed monastic community over against older ones, and as ameans to strengthen the reform ideal among their own members.No wonder that monastic chronicles abound in ages of monasticreform. Among these are famous ones, such as the Gesta abbatum ofCluny, the Gesta abbatum Gemblacensium of Sigebert of Gembloux, andthe series of monastic chronicles of Monte Cassino, which eventuallyfound their more or less definite reworking by Petrus Diaconusafter 1138. 5The Gesta abbatum were institutional histories shaped as serial biographiesof the community’s first abbots: the dominant authority figures,who bore responsibility for the community as a whole and often determinedits success. These biographies were modelled on saints’ lives,and could serve comparable liturgical, edifying and commemorativepurposes. This complicates the distinction between monastic historiographyand monastic hagiography. The earliest event in a monasticchronicle usually is a miracle of the founder-saint or a comparablemiracle worker. Saints’ lives and legendaries written in a monasticsetting as well as monastic annals and chronicles frequently tell acomparable history of the places where saints lived, founded monasteries,performed their miracles, and where their relics were kept. 64Houts (1995), 30–31 (also for more information concerning the authorship ofmonastic chronicles in male and female settings). On the relationship between monastichistory and practices of commemoration, see in particular Oexle (1995), 9–78.5Richter (1972); Goetz (1988), 455–88; Goetz (1989), 135–53; Waha (1977),989–1036; Hofmann (1973), 59–162; Schmale (1985), 137–38.6Houts (1995), 15 and 29, mentions for instance the Inventio et miracula sanctiVulfranni, produced in Saint-Wandrille in Normandy (ca. 1053–54), which “is asmuch a chronicle of the refoundation and growth of the monastery as it is anaccount of the discovery of the body of St. Vulfran”. See also Houts (1989), 233–51.

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