HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor
HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor
LATER MEDIEVAL INSTITUTIONAL HISTORY 279The monastic chronicle recorded the authentic monastic life, relatingthe miracles performed by patron saints, and the religious habitsand deeds of past generations of monks and abbots, who needed tobe commemorated through meditation and prayer. This aspect explainswhy monastic chronicles frequently incorporate necrologies (libri mortuum)and consuetudines, and sometimes grew out of them. Throughoutthe medieval period, many monastic chronicles (as well as those concerningchurches) have remained anonymous: a sign that not theindividual but the community was important. 4During periods of religious reform, in the tenth-early eleventh century(Cluny) and again in the twelfth century (Citeaux and Prémontré),monastics consciously used the writing of history to depict their ownreformed monastic community over against older ones, and as ameans to strengthen the reform ideal among their own members.No wonder that monastic chronicles abound in ages of monasticreform. Among these are famous ones, such as the Gesta abbatum ofCluny, the Gesta abbatum Gemblacensium of Sigebert of Gembloux, andthe series of monastic chronicles of Monte Cassino, which eventuallyfound their more or less definite reworking by Petrus Diaconusafter 1138. 5The Gesta abbatum were institutional histories shaped as serial biographiesof the community’s first abbots: the dominant authority figures,who bore responsibility for the community as a whole and often determinedits success. These biographies were modelled on saints’ lives,and could serve comparable liturgical, edifying and commemorativepurposes. This complicates the distinction between monastic historiographyand monastic hagiography. The earliest event in a monasticchronicle usually is a miracle of the founder-saint or a comparablemiracle worker. Saints’ lives and legendaries written in a monasticsetting as well as monastic annals and chronicles frequently tell acomparable history of the places where saints lived, founded monasteries,performed their miracles, and where their relics were kept. 64Houts (1995), 30–31 (also for more information concerning the authorship ofmonastic chronicles in male and female settings). On the relationship between monastichistory and practices of commemoration, see in particular Oexle (1995), 9–78.5Richter (1972); Goetz (1988), 455–88; Goetz (1989), 135–53; Waha (1977),989–1036; Hofmann (1973), 59–162; Schmale (1985), 137–38.6Houts (1995), 15 and 29, mentions for instance the Inventio et miracula sanctiVulfranni, produced in Saint-Wandrille in Normandy (ca. 1053–54), which “is asmuch a chronicle of the refoundation and growth of the monastery as it is anaccount of the discovery of the body of St. Vulfran”. See also Houts (1989), 233–51.
280 BERT ROESTMonastic chronicles also codified obtained privileges and landedpossessions; the economic life-blood of the traditional religious houses.This provided incentives for incorporating documents and charters,and for including detailed reports of duly witnessed donations bygenerous benefactors. Hence there exists considerable overlap betweenmonastic chronicles (or comparable forms of local institutional history)and document collections pertaining to particular institutions.Cases in point are the so-called monastic chartulary chronicles andthe later medieval urban town books. 7Traditional monastic houses and foundations of regular canons asa rule were established with aristocratic support and kept close relationswith noble benefactors. Many monastic chronicles thereforeincorporate a (partial) history of the founding aristocratic dynasty,making it hard to draw the line between monastic chronicles anddynastic history. 8 If dynasties gained a supra-regional or even pan-European importance, monastic chronicles incorporating their deedscould evolve into forms of territorial history and beyond.In the German lands, where several monasteries were imperialfoundations, monastic chronicles could include a partial history ofthe German Empire, providing the monastic house and its imperialbenefactors with a proper world-historical lineage. This was particularlyfashionable during the Ottonian and early Staufen period. 9 Inpost-conquest England and Normandy monastic historiography andAnglo-Norman dynastic historiography were also closely linked, witnessthe monastic chronicles of St. Augustine’s Abbey in Canterbury. 10An almost automatic overflow from local monastic history and hagiographyto a Historia Anglorum and world-historical compilations, is alsovisible in the works of Matthew Paris (ca. 1200–59), a monk fromSt. Albans. In the Iberian Peninsula, we can signal several literaryendeavours under Alfonso X of Castile in the thirteenth century,and the fourteenth-century historiographical initiatives under PedroIV of Aragon. In both cases, the combination of strong monastic7Cf. Houts (1995), 16, 29 ff.; Genet (1977), 95–138; Patze (1977). Hofmann(1987), 427–28, mentions also the chartulary chronicle of John of Vincentio (1144),the so-called Chronicon S. Vincentii Vulturensis.8Cf. Patze (1964), 8–81, and (1965), 67–128; Patze (1987), 331–70; Houts (1995),3 ff., 32.9Schmale (1985), 96.10Emms (1995), 159–68.
- Page 237 and 238: 228 LEAH SHOPKOW“a history withou
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- Page 243 and 244: 234 LEAH SHOPKOWThe Author-Subject
- Page 245 and 246: 236 LEAH SHOPKOWaddresses Henry II,
- Page 247 and 248: 238 LEAH SHOPKOWconsistent with med
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- Page 253 and 254: 244 LEAH SHOPKOWfor its patrimony a
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- Page 259 and 260: 250 PETER AINSWORTHis one of the fi
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- Page 263 and 264: 254 PETER AINSWORTHenliven his narr
- Page 265 and 266: 256 PETER AINSWORTHAtant es vus ces
- Page 267 and 268: 258 PETER AINSWORTHCrusader Histori
- Page 269 and 270: 260 PETER AINSWORTHAmbroise’s Est
- Page 271 and 272: 262 PETER AINSWORTHof which he had
- Page 273 and 274: 264 PETER AINSWORTHas the romance-l
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- Page 277 and 278: 268 PETER AINSWORTHmust have disapp
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- Page 281 and 282: 272 PETER AINSWORTHGiven that the k
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- Page 287: 278 BERT ROESTThis chapter deals wi
- Page 291 and 292: 282 BERT ROESTwider salvation-histo
- Page 293 and 294: 284 BERT ROESTConstance Proksch eve
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- Page 297 and 298: 288 BERT ROESTIII. Mendicant Histor
- Page 299 and 300: 290 BERT ROESTIII.1Franciscan and D
- Page 301 and 302: 292 BERT ROESTand anecdote collecti
- Page 303 and 304: 294 BERT ROESTtexts were concerned
- Page 305 and 306: 296 BERT ROESTmost renowned followe
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- Page 309 and 310: 300 BERT ROESTClareno and his spiri
- Page 311 and 312: 302 BERT ROESTabout the spread of t
- Page 313 and 314: 304 BERT ROESTAnother prolific Domi
- Page 315 and 316: 306 BERT ROESTonwards. 105 Of compa
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- Page 319 and 320: 310 BERT ROESTThese compendia share
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LATER MEDIEVAL <strong>IN</strong>STITUTIONAL HISTORY 279The monastic chronicle recorded the authentic monastic life, relatingthe miracles performed by patron saints, and the religious habitsand deeds of past generations of monks and abbots, who needed tobe commemorated through meditation and prayer. This aspect explainswhy monastic chronicles frequently incorporate necrologies (libri mortuum)and consuetudines, and sometimes grew out of them. Throughoutthe medieval period, many monastic chronicles (as well as those concerningchurches) have remained anonymous: a sign that not theindividual but the community was important. 4During periods of religious reform, in the tenth-early eleventh century(Cluny) and again in the twelfth century (Citeaux and Prémontré),monastics consciously used the writing of history to depict their ownreformed monastic community over against older ones, and as ameans to strengthen the reform ideal among their own members.No wonder that monastic chronicles abound in ages of monasticreform. Among these are famous ones, such as the Gesta abbatum ofCluny, the Gesta abbatum Gemblacensium of Sigebert of Gembloux, andthe series of monastic chronicles of Monte Cassino, which eventuallyfound their more or less definite reworking by Petrus Diaconusafter 1138. 5The Gesta abbatum were institutional histories shaped as serial biographiesof the community’s first abbots: the dominant authority figures,who bore responsibility for the community as a whole and often determinedits success. These biographies were modelled on saints’ lives,and could serve comparable liturgical, edifying and commemorativepurposes. This complicates the distinction between monastic historiographyand monastic hagiography. The earliest event in a monasticchronicle usually is a miracle of the founder-saint or a comparablemiracle worker. Saints’ lives and legendaries written in a monasticsetting as well as monastic annals and chronicles frequently tell acomparable history of the places where saints lived, founded monasteries,performed their miracles, and where their relics were kept. 64Houts (1995), 30–31 (also for more information concerning the authorship ofmonastic chronicles in male and female settings). On the relationship between monastichistory and practices of commemoration, see in particular Oexle (1995), 9–78.5Richter (1972); Goetz (1988), 455–88; Goetz (1989), 135–53; Waha (1977),989–1036; Hofmann (1973), 59–162; Schmale (1985), 137–38.6Houts (1995), 15 and 29, mentions for instance the Inventio et miracula sanctiVulfranni, produced in Saint-Wandrille in Normandy (ca. 1053–54), which “is asmuch a chronicle of the refoundation and growth of the monastery as it is anaccount of the discovery of the body of St. Vulfran”. See also Houts (1989), 233–51.