HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor
HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor
CONTEMPORARY AND ‘EYEWITNESS’ HISTORY 269the upheaval of the battlefield, sketching in the play of light on helmsand lances, and brushing in the color of heraldic pennants flutteringin the wind. He knew also how best to convey the emotions of hischaracters, often by means of a simple gesture or silent gaze in themidst of a tableau vivant rendered dramatic by recourse to passagesof direct speech.Alongside the substantial accounts of gallantry often featured inmanuals of literary history or anthologies of set pieces (Crécy andPoitiers, the Six Burgesses of Calais, 55 Charles VI’s fit of madness inthe forest of Le Mans, etc.), one comes across more uncertain passagesthat are less susceptible to easy contextualization. A numberof narrative developments in Book III spring to mind where Froissartmerges his historical presentation with other forms of narrativeaccount: travel journal incorporating lively dialogue, report, anecdote,gossip, exemplum or mythological tale. A prime instance of thisricher, more troubling, textuality is the chronicler’s repeated attemptsto shed light on the circumstances of the murder of the young heirof Foix-Béarn by his father Gaston Phébus. The chronicler hereincludes himself as a participant in the gradual weaving of his narrativeduring the long ride across the countryside of Béarn. Froissartcontinually interrogates his travelling companion Espan de Lion, whoconstantly puts off getting to the heart of the matter until Froissartis forced to find out the ‘true’ details of the crime from an alternativesource. It is an old squire who, after much hesitation, finallyagrees to recount his version of the facts to the chronicler. Thisaccount is thus a narrative at second hand, such that the ‘facts’ inquestion undergo a remodelling that serves both to mask and mythologizethem. The same procedure is used in Froissart’s account ofthe bewitching of Pierre de Béarn, which is in turn marked by therecirculation of the myth of Acteon, of which Froissart was so fondand which reappears in his romance Meliador as well as in one ofhis longer narrative dits. 56It is also worth underscoring the interest inherent in the threemajor redactions of Book I of the Chroniques, from the historical but55This episode has lost none of its appeal to French audiences. See Jean-MarieVoeglin’s Les Bourgeois de Calais. Essai sur un mythe historique, Albin Michel, coll.“Evolution de l’humanité” (Paris, 2001), reviewed in Le Monde des Livres du 24 mai2002, p. VII.56Zink (1980).
270 PETER AINSWORTHalso—and more particularly—literary point of view. Recounting ca.1400 preparations for a renewal of the War in 1333, Froissart picksup and rewrites a hitherto summary allusion to the role played inthese events by the French fugitive Robert of Artois, “qui ne cessoitnuit ne jour de lui [à Edouard III] remonstrer quel droit il avoit àla couronne de France” (first redaction text), working it up into anextremely well-constructed speech to the king in full council. Thechronicler is especially prone to dramatic scenes of this kind, oftenenlivened by imagined speeches, especially when the authority, rights,or reputation of a king are at stake.The well-crafted work of the canon of Chimay—poetry andChroniques—amounts to an attempt to comprehend (that is, to understandbut also to circumscribe) the myth and the factual reality ofchivalry by imposing some kind of shape upon them through recourseto the written word. Froissart in this way ‘consecrates’ them for alltime, at precisely the moment when their continued existence seemedthreatened by a new political and social order apprehended onlyobscurely by the chronicler. This accounts, perhaps, for an increasinglyfrequent recourse in the later redactions and books to mythologicalor didactic digressions, and for the writer’s linking of a recent,ephemeral past to a more stable and somehow more authentic past,as an insurance against a future already auguring badly—with thegreat plague of 1348–49 and beyond, the popular uprisings of 1358–84,several periods of royal tyranny between 1380 and 1400, and, finally,a dramatic increase in political assassinations and depositions (1399–1400). The trait common to many aspects of this work which, onthe face of it appears to be so heterogeneous, is writing itself, asfoundation, creation, conservation, and communication of the truth:“car vous savez que toute la cognoissance de ce monde retourne parl’escripture, ne sus aultre chose de verité ne sommes fondez fors quepar les escriptures approuvées”.We have seen how, having begun with a chronicle in verse, Froissartalmost certainly was converted to prose for the composition of hisistoire by the example of Jean le Bel and his Chronique. This recourseto an auctoritas, calculated in principle to safeguard factual accuracy,demonstrates Froissart’s determination to preserve for posterity whathe calls the ‘recors des preux’, and thereby to offer future generationsa source of edifying examples. Only writing can guarantee thistranslatio or handing down to the descendants of meritorious knights
- Page 227 and 228: 218 LEAH SHOPKOWAnother explanation
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- Page 231 and 232: 222 LEAH SHOPKOWThe genesis of the
- Page 233 and 234: 224 LEAH SHOPKOWThe Distribution of
- Page 235 and 236: 226 LEAH SHOPKOWnot very common unt
- Page 237 and 238: 228 LEAH SHOPKOW“a history withou
- Page 239 and 240: 230 LEAH SHOPKOWchoose another hist
- Page 241 and 242: 232 LEAH SHOPKOWDynastic history al
- Page 243 and 244: 234 LEAH SHOPKOWThe Author-Subject
- Page 245 and 246: 236 LEAH SHOPKOWaddresses Henry II,
- Page 247 and 248: 238 LEAH SHOPKOWconsistent with med
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- Page 253 and 254: 244 LEAH SHOPKOWfor its patrimony a
- Page 255 and 256: 246 LEAH SHOPKOWwork, the Assises d
- Page 257 and 258: 248 LEAH SHOPKOWthe family chose to
- Page 259 and 260: 250 PETER AINSWORTHis one of the fi
- Page 261 and 262: 252 PETER AINSWORTHEarly Eyewitness
- Page 263 and 264: 254 PETER AINSWORTHenliven his narr
- Page 265 and 266: 256 PETER AINSWORTHAtant es vus ces
- Page 267 and 268: 258 PETER AINSWORTHCrusader Histori
- Page 269 and 270: 260 PETER AINSWORTHAmbroise’s Est
- Page 271 and 272: 262 PETER AINSWORTHof which he had
- Page 273 and 274: 264 PETER AINSWORTHas the romance-l
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- Page 277: 268 PETER AINSWORTHmust have disapp
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- Page 283 and 284: 274 PETER AINSWORTHwhose likeness h
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- Page 287 and 288: 278 BERT ROESTThis chapter deals wi
- Page 289 and 290: 280 BERT ROESTMonastic chronicles a
- Page 291 and 292: 282 BERT ROESTwider salvation-histo
- Page 293 and 294: 284 BERT ROESTConstance Proksch eve
- Page 295 and 296: 286 BERT ROESTcatalogues. Normally,
- Page 297 and 298: 288 BERT ROESTIII. Mendicant Histor
- Page 299 and 300: 290 BERT ROESTIII.1Franciscan and D
- Page 301 and 302: 292 BERT ROESTand anecdote collecti
- Page 303 and 304: 294 BERT ROESTtexts were concerned
- Page 305 and 306: 296 BERT ROESTmost renowned followe
- Page 307 and 308: 298 BERT ROESTof smaller Franciscan
- Page 309 and 310: 300 BERT ROESTClareno and his spiri
- Page 311 and 312: 302 BERT ROESTabout the spread of t
- Page 313 and 314: 304 BERT ROESTAnother prolific Domi
- Page 315 and 316: 306 BERT ROESTonwards. 105 Of compa
- Page 317 and 318: 308 BERT ROESTIII.5Other forms of m
- Page 319 and 320: 310 BERT ROESTThese compendia share
- Page 321 and 322: 312 BERT ROESTde mundi aetatibus of
- Page 323 and 324: 314 BERT ROESTremain unedited or ar
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CONTEMPORARY AND ‘EYEWITNESS’ HISTORY 269the upheaval of the battlefield, sketching in the play of light on helmsand lances, and brushing in the color of heraldic pennants flutteringin the wind. He knew also how best to convey the emotions of hischaracters, often by means of a simple gesture or silent gaze in themidst of a tableau vivant rendered dramatic by recourse to passagesof direct speech.Alongside the substantial accounts of gallantry often featured inmanuals of literary history or anthologies of set pieces (Crécy andPoitiers, the Six Burgesses of Calais, 55 Charles VI’s fit of madness inthe forest of Le Mans, etc.), one comes across more uncertain passagesthat are less susceptible to easy contextualization. A numberof narrative developments in Book III spring to mind where Froissartmerges his historical presentation with other forms of narrativeaccount: travel journal incorporating lively dialogue, report, anecdote,gossip, exemplum or mythological tale. A prime instance of thisricher, more troubling, textuality is the chronicler’s repeated attemptsto shed light on the circumstances of the murder of the young heirof Foix-Béarn by his father Gaston Phébus. The chronicler hereincludes himself as a participant in the gradual weaving of his narrativeduring the long ride across the countryside of Béarn. Froissartcontinually interrogates his travelling companion Espan de Lion, whoconstantly puts off getting to the heart of the matter until Froissartis forced to find out the ‘true’ details of the crime from an alternativesource. It is an old squire who, after much hesitation, finallyagrees to recount his version of the facts to the chronicler. Thisaccount is thus a narrative at second hand, such that the ‘facts’ inquestion undergo a remodelling that serves both to mask and mythologizethem. The same procedure is used in Froissart’s account ofthe bewitching of Pierre de Béarn, which is in turn marked by therecirculation of the myth of Acteon, of which Froissart was so fondand which reappears in his romance Meliador as well as in one ofhis longer narrative dits. 56It is also worth underscoring the interest inherent in the threemajor redactions of Book I of the Chroniques, from the historical but55This episode has lost none of its appeal to French audiences. See Jean-MarieVoeglin’s Les Bourgeois de Calais. Essai sur un mythe historique, Albin Michel, coll.“Evolution de l’humanité” (Paris, 2001), reviewed in Le Monde des Livres du 24 mai2002, p. VII.56Zink (1980).