HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor
HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor
CONTEMPORARY AND ‘EYEWITNESS’ HISTORY 253successful campaign of 1066 is evoked for us in the Latin verse ofGui d’Amiens, 10 the poet clearly seeking to portray William as thevery epitome of courage, military leadership and heroism. 11 Guillaumede Poitiers wrote his equally encomiastic Gesta Guillelmi in Latin prose,whilst Raoul de Caen celebrated the deeds of Tancred in the samelanguage (early twelfth century). North of the Channel, Richard ofHexham’s De bello standardii and Ælred of Rievaulx’s Relatio de standardo(both ca. 1138) also laid claim to eyewitness authority and maybe seen as exemplars of a small but significant number of ‘campaign’histories written in Latin.The Vita Sancti Thomae of William Fitz Stephen, in contrast, is aprime example of a hagiographical text written very soon after themartyrdom of a saint. At the beginning of the work the authoraffirms his status as privileged eyewitness (at first- but sometimes second-hand)of Thomas Becket’s martyrdom: “Passionem eius Cantuariaeinspexi ...caetera plurima, quae hic scribuntur, oculis uidi, auribusaudiui; quaedam a consciis didici relatoribus”. 12 Guernes de Pont-Sainte-Maxence, author of a six-thousand-line vernacular Vie de SaintThomas Becket, 13 appears to have used a number of written sources,including royal edicts and letters written by Henry II and Becket,in compiling his work. His editor Walberg tells us that he also paraphrasedin verse a number of sections from the Latin biographiesof Edward Grim (1172) 14 and William of Canterbury (1172–74); andat lines 147–50 and 6168, 15 Guernes claims to have consulted Thomas’sservants and friends at Canterbury itself, presumably the closest hecould manage to eyewitnesses of the outrage, but on the whole thisis a self-consciously literary and highly partial (if precise) account ofthe martyrdom of Archbishop Thomas. The poet uses all of therhetorical resources of dialogue and set-piece dramatic episodes to10Carmen de Hastingae proelio, ed. C. Morton and H. Muntz, Oxford MedievalTexts (Oxford, 1972); cf. Davis (1978); Sayers (1966–67).11For a lively translation into modern French of ll. 438–64 of the poem, basedon F. Michel’s edition, Chroniques anglo-normandes (Rouen, 1840), vol. III, 1–38, seeGally and Marchello-Nizia (1985), 179.12William Fitz Stephen, ed. James Robertson, Vita Sancti Thomae, Rolls Series,vol. 67/3 (London, 1877), 1–2, quoted in Damian-Grint (1999), 71.13Guernes de Pont-Sainte-Maxence, La Vie de Saint Thomas Becket, ed. E. Walberg(Paris, 1964).14See Damian-Grint (1999), 71 n. 19.15See La Vie de Saint Thomas Becket, ed. Walberg, x–xi.
254 PETER AINSWORTHenliven his narrative and convince his reader of Thomas’s saintliness,and may even (as he tells us) have performed his poem at thearchbishop’s tomb, perhaps before an audience of pilgrims. Not theleast interesting characteristics of the poem are its successful blendingof Christ’s Passion into the narrative of the martyrdom and itsfrequent moral and spiritual reflexions. Walberg argues that Guernes’snarrative straddles two ‘literary genres’, those of religious poetry andverse historiography. It is certainly hagiographical and encomiastic,and its alexandrine metre lends it a faintly epic color, though thepoet’s regular use of five-line rhyming sections rather than assonancedlaisses makes for a rather disjointed and halting style. The other principalstrand of narrative writing (both Latin and vernacular) inspiredby issues of spiritual moment arose, of course, from the crusades.We shall consider the significance of ‘crusade history’ later on in thisessay.The military campaigns of the final quarter of the twelfth centuryproduced at least one work of vernacular history by a poet whoclaimed to have participated actively in at least some of the eventsthat he describes. Around 1174–75, Jordan Fantosme finished hisAnglo-Norman Chronicle. 16 We know next to nothing about this writer,but he may have been the pupil of Gilbert de la Porrée, bishop ofPoitiers from 1142, who certainly had a clerk by the name of JordanusFantasma. 17 A few lexical forms found in the Chronicle relate toProvençal, and certain aspects of the poem’s metrical subtleties mightsuggest that the author had had some contact with Occitan civilization.Whatever the case, we also find a clerk by the name ofFantosme attached to the bishop of Winchester’s entourage between1150 and 1180. The Chronicle, unsigned but mentioning the nameJordan Fantosme no fewer than five times, recounts the revolt ofHenry the Young King against his father Henry II Plantagenet, supportedin his struggle by William the Lion, king of Scotland, andby Louis VII of France and his vassal Philip, count of Flanders. Thepoem’s most recent editor, R. C. Johnston, highlights the innovativeand experimental aspects of this work, in which there is in fact nomention of the word ‘chronique’. For reasons of practicality, Johnstonstays with his provisional English title ‘Jordan Fantosme’s Chronicle’,16Jordan Fantosme’s Chronicle, ed. and trans. R. C. Johnston (Oxford, 1981).17Cf. MacDonald (1961).
- Page 211 and 212: 202 NORBERT KERSKENto the invasion
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- Page 287 and 288: 278 BERT ROESTThis chapter deals wi
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CONTEMPORARY AND ‘EYEWITNESS’ HISTORY 253successful campaign of 1066 is evoked for us in the Latin verse ofGui d’Amiens, 10 the poet clearly seeking to portray William as thevery epitome of courage, military leadership and heroism. 11 Guillaumede Poitiers wrote his equally encomiastic Gesta Guillelmi in Latin prose,whilst Raoul de Caen celebrated the deeds of Tancred in the samelanguage (early twelfth century). North of the Channel, Richard ofHexham’s De bello standardii and Ælred of Rievaulx’s Relatio de standardo(both ca. 1138) also laid claim to eyewitness authority and maybe seen as exemplars of a small but significant number of ‘campaign’histories written in Latin.The Vita Sancti Thomae of William Fitz Stephen, in contrast, is aprime example of a hagiographical text written very soon after themartyrdom of a saint. At the beginning of the work the authoraffirms his status as privileged eyewitness (at first- but sometimes second-hand)of Thomas Becket’s martyrdom: “Passionem eius Cantuariaeinspexi ...caetera plurima, quae hic scribuntur, oculis uidi, auribusaudiui; quaedam a consciis didici relatoribus”. 12 Guernes de Pont-Sainte-Maxence, author of a six-thousand-line vernacular Vie de SaintThomas Becket, 13 appears to have used a number of written sources,including royal edicts and letters written by Henry II and Becket,in compiling his work. His editor Walberg tells us that he also paraphrasedin verse a number of sections from the Latin biographiesof Edward Grim (1172) 14 and William of Canterbury (1172–74); andat lines 147–50 and 6168, 15 Guernes claims to have consulted Thomas’sservants and friends at Canterbury itself, presumably the closest hecould manage to eyewitnesses of the outrage, but on the whole thisis a self-consciously literary and highly partial (if precise) account ofthe martyrdom of Archbishop Thomas. The poet uses all of therhetorical resources of dialogue and set-piece dramatic episodes to10Carmen de Hastingae proelio, ed. C. Morton and H. Muntz, Oxford MedievalTexts (Oxford, 1972); cf. Davis (1978); Sayers (1966–67).11For a lively translation into modern French of ll. 438–64 of the poem, basedon F. Michel’s edition, Chroniques anglo-normandes (Rouen, 1840), vol. III, 1–38, seeGally and Marchello-Nizia (1985), 179.12William Fitz Stephen, ed. James Robertson, Vita Sancti Thomae, Rolls Series,vol. 67/3 (London, 1877), 1–2, quoted in Damian-Grint (1999), 71.13Guernes de Pont-Sainte-Maxence, La Vie de Saint Thomas Becket, ed. E. Walberg(Paris, 1964).14See Damian-Grint (1999), 71 n. 19.15See La Vie de Saint Thomas Becket, ed. Walberg, x–xi.