HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor
HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor
DYNASTIC HISTORY 247A Few ConclusionsI would argue, based upon what I have said above, that dynastichistories grow out of institutional history, in some cases an institutionwith which the members of the family are closely associatedand in other cases a political territory. In other words, dynastic pridedoes not merely center on the possession of a piece of land but, rather,centers on its rule, and the rulers then are identified with the peoplethey rule as well. Jules Lair, in his edition of Dudo of St. Quentin’shistory, named it On the Customs and Deeds of the Norman Dukes, not amedieval title, but Gerda Huisman has argued that the proper name,the name by which it appears in library catalogues, was the GestaNormannorum, and Eric Christiansen, in his recent translation, has followedsuit. 131 Since the history of the rulers was that of the peoplethey ruled in a given territory, the crucial events then, are political;these texts are less concerned with the emergence of noble self-consciousnessthan with the development of territorial principalities andthe association of particular families with these lands and/or themonastic communities within them. Most dynastic histories are createdat predictable junctures in the relationship between a familyand a domain: when the family first successfully lays claim to rulea territory (the first Norman dynastic history; the Scheyer genealogy);when a succession crisis threatens the family’s control over theterritory (the Saint-Bertin genealogy; the genealogy of the rulers ofBrittany); in periods of threatened decline (the History of the Counts ofGuines; the Lignages d’Outremer); or in periods when the history of afamily is so intertwined with that of a territory that the family’s historycan effectively come to be that of the territory (France [withthe Grandes chroniques] and fifteenth-century Bavaria). Under these lastcircumstances, dynastic histories take on a strongly national character.132 The understanding of how such histories might be used toenhance the reputation of a court, the prestige of its prince, and thelegitimacy of the ruler was fully in place by the twelfth century. Oneneed think only of the dynastic histories of the Welfs (three separategenealogies dating from the twelfth century), the process by which131Dudo, De moribus et actis primorum Normanniae ducum, ed. Lair; Huisman (1984);Dudo, History of the Normans, trans. Christiansen.132Moeglin (1985); Kerhervé (1980).
248 LEAH SHOPKOWthe family chose to identify themselves as Welfs, and the literaryflowering at Welf court at Braunschweig, a new court in search ofan anchor. 133 But this kind of history became most fully useful whenthe prestige of literacy soared, the audience for learned texts expanded,and literature of all kinds became more readily exploitable by thecourt. Thus the author of the late fourteenth-century Austrian vernacularchronicle of the dukes flaunts his considerable erudition andmastery of Latin sources; the text opens with a reference to Seneca’swork on the cardinal virtues. 134 When that change occurred in thelate fourteenth century in the German lands, an explosion of dynastichistory followed and, as I have argued elsewhere, a similar explosionof all kinds of history took place across western Europe. 135But there is no reason that the history of such a territory had totake dynastic form; there were always alternatives to such a meansof forming identity, which might focus instead on common institutionslike laws and customs, or on a particular monastery or bishopric.In the fourteenth century it is clear that civic chronicles receivesome of these local historical energies. Consequently, the histories ofregions are not often organized around their rulers, even if thoserulers play a very important role in the histories. In France, dynastichistory endured, and it makes a kind of sense. There was in Franceno common law, as there was in England to inspire a Bracton, buta scattering of common laws and Roman law. What held the Frenchterritories together, to the degree that they were held together, wasthe person of the king. In other words, the king was the main sharedroyal institution and perhaps the only possible repository for nationalhistory. The reasons why history also took on a dynastic organizationin Aragon, I shall leave to a scholar of that region.133See Schmidt (1983); Nass (1995); Hucker (1995); Moeglin (1995), 525.134Österreichische Chronik von den 95 Herrschaften, ed. Seemüller, cclii–ccliii on thesources; cclxxvii on the author’s education; 1 and n. 1 for the reference to Seneca.135Johanek (1992), 205–06; Shopkow (1997), 263–71.
- Page 205 and 206: 196 NORBERT KERSKENMedieval Norway
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- Page 227 and 228: 218 LEAH SHOPKOWAnother explanation
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- Page 287 and 288: 278 BERT ROESTThis chapter deals wi
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248 LEAH SHOPKOWthe family chose to identify themselves as Welfs, and the literaryflowering at Welf court at Braunschweig, a new court in search ofan anchor. 133 But this kind of history became most fully useful whenthe prestige of literacy soared, the audience for learned texts expanded,and literature of all kinds became more readily exploitable by thecourt. Thus the author of the late fourteenth-century Austrian vernacularchronicle of the dukes flaunts his considerable erudition andmastery of Latin sources; the text opens with a reference to Seneca’swork on the cardinal virtues. 134 When that change occurred in thelate fourteenth century in the German lands, an explosion of dynastichistory followed and, as I have argued elsewhere, a similar explosionof all kinds of history took place across western Europe. 135But there is no reason that the history of such a territory had totake dynastic form; there were always alternatives to such a meansof forming identity, which might focus instead on common institutionslike laws and customs, or on a particular monastery or bishopric.In the fourteenth century it is clear that civic chronicles receivesome of these local historical energies. Consequently, the histories ofregions are not often organized around their rulers, even if thoserulers play a very important role in the histories. In France, dynastichistory endured, and it makes a kind of sense. There was in Franceno common law, as there was in England to inspire a Bracton, buta scattering of common laws and Roman law. What held the Frenchterritories together, to the degree that they were held together, wasthe person of the king. In other words, the king was the main sharedroyal institution and perhaps the only possible repository for nationalhistory. The reasons why history also took on a dynastic organizationin Aragon, I shall leave to a scholar of that region.133See Schmidt (1983); Nass (1995); Hucker (1995); Moeglin (1995), 525.134Österreichische Chronik von den 95 Herrschaften, ed. Seemüller, cclii–ccliii on thesources; cclxxvii on the author’s education; 1 and n. 1 for the reference to Seneca.135Johanek (1992), 205–06; Shopkow (1997), 263–71.