HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor
HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor
DYNASTIC HISTORY 243Why the history of Flanders took this biographic form is a moredifficult question. In the case of Witger’s genealogy, the genealogyprovides the kinship link that might encourage the continued patronageof a foundation outside the territory the counts of Flanders mighthope to control. However, Witger’s genealogy was not that influential,for the genealogy that supplanted it in the eleventh century tracedthe family’s descent from the legendary Lideric of Harlebec, notJudith, 119 and represents a claim not to Carolingian descent but toa jurisdiction in Flanders that predated Judith. These new and deeperroots were set down even as political upheaval seemed to create abreak, if not a complete one. In other words, history was producedat a node of crisis. 120 The familial form the history took may evenbe reinforced, in this case, by the familial nature of the crisis, a battlebetween uncle and nephew.Once Flemish history had taken a dynastic form, however, it isrelatively easy to explain its continued tendency to do so. An existinghistory created a template for later histories that it might bemore difficult to break with than to utilize. In the Norman case,Dudo of Saint-Quentin’s example was so powerful that it took Normanhistorians more than a century to break away from it. And, as Ihave suggested above, the mode in which Flemish history was castalso influenced local writers, such Lambert of Saint-Omer, Lambertof Wattrelos, and Lambert of Ardres, to write history in this fashion.The last of these histories is particularly interesting to think aboutin terms of dynastic history, because it was through interpreting itthat Duby arrived at many of his theories on noble marriage andnoble attitudes toward family. The emphasis on family and lineageis indeed much clearer in the History of the Counts of Guines than it isin the comital histories, although lineage is much more broadly interpreted.Not only are the legitimate children of a particular count ofGuines or lord of Ardres enumerated but also their spouses arenamed, and often their descendants for three or four generations.When scholars think about dynastic history, this history is one thatthey immediately think of.However, it would be a mistake to see even this history as simplyarising from the pride of the family in its lineage and its concern119Genealogiae comitum Flandriae, ed. Bethmann, 305 and n. 6; also van Caenegem(1973), 73, 81–82.120On this genesis of history, see Althoff-Coué (1992).
244 LEAH SHOPKOWfor its patrimony alone (although concern there is aplenty); the politicalcircumstances under which it was produced are simply too suggestive.Lambert implies that he began writing around 1194. 121 If so,one obvious reason to do so was the unification of two territories,Guines and Bourbourg, which had been in the making for a longtime. But as Lambert wrote another and more disturbing sequenceof events was unfolding, and these also might have contributed tothe creation of the history. The region of which Guines was a partwas extremely unstable in the late twelfth and early thirteenth centuries.It was part of the land contested between the count of Flandersand the king of France and had, in fact, changed hands twice beforethe end of the twelfth century. After 1202 the count of Flanders wasabsent on crusade, and after 1205, the heiress to Flanders was aminor child in the hands of Philip Augustus. Finally, Guines had adangerous enemy on its very borders in Renaud, count of Boulogne,who from 1203 on attacked Guines either in person or by proxy.In 1205, Baldwin II of Guines was captured by Renaud, and theold man died shortly after his release, early in 1206. These events,so threatening to the family’s position, also may have inspired theirchaplain to write his history as a way of affirming the family’s rightsand reassuring them in a period of trial.Still, the reassurance must itself have been painful, for Lamberttold a remarkable number of unappetizing stories about the family.A number of the ancestors of the family are described as being hatedby their people; one was murdered. The patron’s great-grandmotherwas a horrible woman who enserfed free people; Lambert says shewas “famous for the vice of cupidity and for notorious avarice”. 122Lambert even attributes the imprisonment of his patron, Arnold II,to Arnold’s dissipation of the funds he had gathered to go on thethird crusade and his ultimate failure to go. 123 In other words, thetext takes a moral and admonitory stance toward the family. Thisexemplary function, which provided both examples to avoid andthose to imitate, was often characteristic of dynastic history. 124121Lambert of Ardres, The History of the Counts of Guines and Lords of Ardres, trans.L. Shopkow (Philadelphia, 2001), 2–3.122History of the Counts of Guines and Lords of Ardres, trans. Shopkow, 162 (chapter129).123History of the Counts of Guines and Lords of Ardres, trans. Shopkow, 128 (chapter95).124Johanek (1992), 198.
- Page 201 and 202: 192 NORBERT KERSKENhistoriography o
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- Page 205 and 206: 196 NORBERT KERSKENMedieval Norway
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- Page 211 and 212: 202 NORBERT KERSKENto the invasion
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- Page 217 and 218: 208 NORBERT KERSKENof various polit
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- Page 221 and 222: 212 NORBERT KERSKENAt the turn of t
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- Page 227 and 228: 218 LEAH SHOPKOWAnother explanation
- Page 229 and 230: 220 LEAH SHOPKOWThus, when someone
- Page 231 and 232: 222 LEAH SHOPKOWThe genesis of the
- Page 233 and 234: 224 LEAH SHOPKOWThe Distribution of
- Page 235 and 236: 226 LEAH SHOPKOWnot very common unt
- Page 237 and 238: 228 LEAH SHOPKOW“a history withou
- Page 239 and 240: 230 LEAH SHOPKOWchoose another hist
- Page 241 and 242: 232 LEAH SHOPKOWDynastic history al
- Page 243 and 244: 234 LEAH SHOPKOWThe Author-Subject
- Page 245 and 246: 236 LEAH SHOPKOWaddresses Henry II,
- Page 247 and 248: 238 LEAH SHOPKOWconsistent with med
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- Page 255 and 256: 246 LEAH SHOPKOWwork, the Assises d
- Page 257 and 258: 248 LEAH SHOPKOWthe family chose to
- Page 259 and 260: 250 PETER AINSWORTHis one of the fi
- Page 261 and 262: 252 PETER AINSWORTHEarly Eyewitness
- Page 263 and 264: 254 PETER AINSWORTHenliven his narr
- Page 265 and 266: 256 PETER AINSWORTHAtant es vus ces
- Page 267 and 268: 258 PETER AINSWORTHCrusader Histori
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- Page 273 and 274: 264 PETER AINSWORTHas the romance-l
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- Page 277 and 278: 268 PETER AINSWORTHmust have disapp
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- Page 281 and 282: 272 PETER AINSWORTHGiven that the k
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- Page 287 and 288: 278 BERT ROESTThis chapter deals wi
- Page 289 and 290: 280 BERT ROESTMonastic chronicles a
- Page 291 and 292: 282 BERT ROESTwider salvation-histo
- Page 293 and 294: 284 BERT ROESTConstance Proksch eve
- Page 295 and 296: 286 BERT ROESTcatalogues. Normally,
- Page 297 and 298: 288 BERT ROESTIII. Mendicant Histor
- Page 299 and 300: 290 BERT ROESTIII.1Franciscan and D
- Page 301 and 302: 292 BERT ROESTand anecdote collecti
DYNASTIC HISTORY 243Why the history of Flanders took this biographic form is a moredifficult question. In the case of Witger’s genealogy, the genealogyprovides the kinship link that might encourage the continued patronageof a foundation outside the territory the counts of Flanders mighthope to control. However, Witger’s genealogy was not that influential,for the genealogy that supplanted it in the eleventh century tracedthe family’s descent from the legendary Lideric of Harlebec, notJudith, 119 and represents a claim not to Carolingian descent but toa jurisdiction in Flanders that predated Judith. These new and deeperroots were set down even as political upheaval seemed to create abreak, if not a complete one. In other words, history was producedat a node of crisis. 120 The familial form the history took may evenbe reinforced, in this case, by the familial nature of the crisis, a battlebetween uncle and nephew.Once Flemish history had taken a dynastic form, however, it isrelatively easy to explain its continued tendency to do so. An existinghistory created a template for later histories that it might bemore difficult to break with than to utilize. In the Norman case,Dudo of Saint-Quentin’s example was so powerful that it took Normanhistorians more than a century to break away from it. And, as Ihave suggested above, the mode in which Flemish history was castalso influenced local writers, such Lambert of Saint-Omer, Lambertof Wattrelos, and Lambert of Ardres, to write history in this fashion.The last of these histories is particularly interesting to think aboutin terms of dynastic history, because it was through interpreting itthat Duby arrived at many of his theories on noble marriage andnoble attitudes toward family. The emphasis on family and lineageis indeed much clearer in the History of the Counts of Guines than it isin the comital histories, although lineage is much more broadly interpreted.Not only are the legitimate children of a particular count ofGuines or lord of Ardres enumerated but also their spouses arenamed, and often their descendants for three or four generations.When scholars think about dynastic history, this history is one thatthey immediately think of.However, it would be a mistake to see even this history as simplyarising from the pride of the family in its lineage and its concern119Genealogiae comitum Flandriae, ed. Bethmann, 305 and n. 6; also van Caenegem(1973), 73, 81–82.120On this genesis of history, see Althoff-Coué (1992).