HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor
HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor
DYNASTIC HISTORY 239of the elite, simply telling their family stories was enough, otherwisewe would have many more of them than we do. What was importantenough to cross that threshold? And if the contents of a dynastichistory were not memories but were the result of careful clericalresearch, again what impulse gave rise to the history and gave itthis shape? In fact, as Jean-Marie Moeglin has warned, genealogiescould always have been different than they are; 103 indeed, in caseswhere dynasties produced more than one genealogy or dynastic history,that point often is demonstrated very clearly. This suggests thatthe criteria for inclusion or exclusion is likely to be not simply whowas remembered but the context for the “remembering”. In otherwords, we need talk about the “social logic” or different sorts ofsocial logic for dynastic history. 104Functions of Dynastic HistoryThe concerns of a family well may have lain behind certain kindsof dynastic documents, particularly family trees and rudimentarygenealogies. The family tree delineated those who might have a claimon property, but other questions also might arise from relationship.For instance, a tree might be used or even drawn up in disputesover marriage. 105 In other words, the functions of these histories arevarious and particular. Therefore, I have selected a few texts to illustratethe possibilities, rather than to attempt any comprehensive, andnecessarily faulty, generalization. 106The Flemish genealogical tradition offers an interesting case to useas we consider the question of social logic in dynastic histories, asit is one of the earliest and undergoes considerable development withtime. The first history in the series, the genealogy of Arnulf ofFlanders by Witger, 107 traces the descent of Arnulf of Flanders fromCharlemagne, something that later will become typical of noblegenealogies. 108 In the first of the two parts, the text provides a genealogyof the Frankish kings and emperors, specially notes Judith, the103Moeglin (1995), 524–25.104On social logic, see Spiegel (1990).105See Maleczek (1988).106See also Genicot (1975), 35–44, on this subject.107Genealogiae comitum Flandriae, ed. Bethmann, 302–04.108See Folz (1950), 375–80, for some examples from Germany.
240 LEAH SHOPKOWdaughter of Charles the Bald and the grandmother of Arnulf, andalso makes special reference to the monastery of Compiègne. Thispart of the genealogy is simply a list, which includes women (bothas wives and unnamed as concubines) as well as men, although afew personal characteristics are included (Louis d’Outremer is saidto be “elegant of form”). The second part, a genealogy of the Flemishcounts, is a considerably fuller as well as more sparsely peopledaccount, and it begins with Baldwin I’s marriage to Judith. The textquickly moves to the next generation, in which Baldwin II marriesan unnamed princess from “overseas” (the English princess Elftrude)and is buried at Saint-Bertin. The remaining part of the genealogyconcerns the deeds of Arnulf the Great. Most of the specifics of hisdeeds are generally omitted in favor of an outpouring of typical lateCarolingian panegyric. The specific deeds Witger mentions are hisdonations to the monastery of St. Mary at Compiègne: his donationto the tombs of Sts. Cornelius and Cyprian; his endowment of theclergy there; and his donation of a bell—all appropriate becauseCharles the Bald, his relation, founded this church. At the end comesArnulf ’s marriage, the birth and marriage of his son Baldwin, andprayers for the well-being of Baldwin and Arnulf, both of whomseem still to be alive at the time of writing.What is striking in this genealogy is how much of what mighthave been said has been omitted. The conquests of the Baldwinsand Arnulf himself are of no interest to Witger; there is no indicationof identification of these men with a particular patrimony ordomain. Nor does Witger long to catalogue the deeds of any of themembers of the family, apart from their religious deeds. In fact,Arnulf appears most forcefully here as the benefactor of the churchat Compiègne. The genealogy, particularly if one includes theCarolingian lineage that accompanies it, does, however, show signsof considerable research on Witger’s part.If we inquire after the social logic of the genealogy, we may, ratherthan seeing this as an expression of “noble self-consciousness”, seeit as a document that safeguards the interests of at least one of thetwo institutions named. Arnulf was known by his contemporaries as“the Rich”, but also as “the Old”. 109 He became count in 918 upon109Nicholas (1992), 41.
- Page 197 and 198: 188 NORBERT KERSKENof which (1110/1
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- Page 213 and 214: 204 NORBERT KERSKENwhich made a con
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- Page 221 and 222: 212 NORBERT KERSKENAt the turn of t
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- Page 227 and 228: 218 LEAH SHOPKOWAnother explanation
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- Page 235 and 236: 226 LEAH SHOPKOWnot very common unt
- Page 237 and 238: 228 LEAH SHOPKOW“a history withou
- Page 239 and 240: 230 LEAH SHOPKOWchoose another hist
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- Page 243 and 244: 234 LEAH SHOPKOWThe Author-Subject
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- Page 259 and 260: 250 PETER AINSWORTHis one of the fi
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- Page 267 and 268: 258 PETER AINSWORTHCrusader Histori
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240 LEAH SHOPKOWdaughter of Charles the Bald and the grandmother of Arnulf, andalso makes special reference to the monastery of Compiègne. Thispart of the genealogy is simply a list, which includes women (bothas wives and unnamed as concubines) as well as men, although afew personal characteristics are included (Louis d’Outremer is saidto be “elegant of form”). The second part, a genealogy of the Flemishcounts, is a considerably fuller as well as more sparsely peopledaccount, and it begins with Baldwin I’s marriage to Judith. The textquickly moves to the next generation, in which Baldwin II marriesan unnamed princess from “overseas” (the English princess Elftrude)and is buried at Saint-Bertin. The remaining part of the genealogyconcerns the deeds of Arnulf the Great. Most of the specifics of hisdeeds are generally omitted in favor of an outpouring of typical lateCarolingian panegyric. The specific deeds Witger mentions are hisdonations to the monastery of St. Mary at Compiègne: his donationto the tombs of Sts. Cornelius and Cyprian; his endowment of theclergy there; and his donation of a bell—all appropriate becauseCharles the Bald, his relation, founded this church. At the end comesArnulf ’s marriage, the birth and marriage of his son Baldwin, andprayers for the well-being of Baldwin and Arnulf, both of whomseem still to be alive at the time of writing.What is striking in this genealogy is how much of what mighthave been said has been omitted. The conquests of the Baldwinsand Arnulf himself are of no interest to Witger; there is no indicationof identification of these men with a particular patrimony ordomain. Nor does Witger long to catalogue the deeds of any of themembers of the family, apart from their religious deeds. In fact,Arnulf appears most forcefully here as the benefactor of the churchat Compiègne. The genealogy, particularly if one includes theCarolingian lineage that accompanies it, does, however, show signsof considerable research on Witger’s part.If we inquire after the social logic of the genealogy, we may, ratherthan seeing this as an expression of “noble self-consciousness”, seeit as a document that safeguards the interests of at least one of thetwo institutions named. Arnulf was known by his contemporaries as“the Rich”, but also as “the Old”. 109 He became count in 918 upon109Nicholas (1992), 41.