HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor
HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor
DYNASTIC HISTORY 229mean to suggest that noble families were not aware of themselves,did not attempt to enhance their status with literary works, or, mostcrucially, did not know or pass on stories about their past. What Ido mean to say is that writing down accounts of the past organizedaround the descent of the family does not seem to have been a primarymeans for most families of creating family identity.One possible reason for the paucity of such histories is that substantialresources were needed to produce even the most meager historicaltext. Learned people had to be deployed to record the text,particularly when Latin was the standard language of history. Whilein theory a Latin work might be composed to facilitate the comprehensionof the unlearned or might be orally translated, in practice,the consumption of such works at the court, when they wereintended for the court at all, seems to have been limited to the Latinliterati at the court. 60 All of this expense was incurred for an audiencethat was potentially smaller than the numbers who might bereached by a purely verbal and “traditional” recitation of family stories.If the purpose of the family history was to create cohesion andto advertise that cohesion and the family’s importance to other families,there might be more effective means to do this—perhaps patronizinga monastery, creating a family necropolis, keeping a splendidcourt, going to tournaments, and employing those who might advertiseone’s patronage to a wider clerical audience—at least until theincreasing use of the vernacular made it possible for a work to beread easily by or to lay people, in other words, until there was alay, literate culture. 61 The Grandes chroniques de France seem to standat the beginning of this process. In short, the costs of producing afamily history might outweigh the benefits.Even in the case that a family chose to commission a history, theresultant history would not necessarily be organized around the livesof family members. Rosamund McKitterick has argued that theCarolingians invented annals as a support to the status and ambitionof their dynasty, but the form focuses the attention on the controland organization and time and its passage rather than on descent. 62To organize a history around one’s family was to emphasize familyconnections or, in the case of the Carolingians, lack of them. To60Johanek (1992), 203–04.61See Johanek (1992), 195–96, for his comments on Viala, Naissance de l’écrivain.62McKitterick (1997), 115–17, 127 ff.
230 LEAH SHOPKOWchoose another historical form was, perhaps, to stress the effectiveauthority of one’s office. Thus the chronicles patronized by kings ofCastile, deeply concerned though they were with royal power, didnot take a strictly dynastic form, although the fourteenth-centuryAragonese chronicle of San Juan de la Peña, an official history commissionedby Pere III, was strongly dynastic in its arrangement. 63Similarly, Henry III made sure that information came to the earsof Matthew Paris and in at least one case gave Matthew a superiorvantage point from which to see (and write about) events, but thehistory is also not organized dynastically. 64The choice not to organize one’s history dynastically may in manycases have been partly a pragmatic issue. It is relatively easy to writea dynastic history retrospectively but more difficult to write contemporaryhistory in this mode. If one writes a portion while thesubject is still living, events may force one to change one’s text,which is what happened to William of Jumièges as he wrote his GestaNormannorum ducum. His original version ended in the mid 1050s,before the Norman Conquest. He then revised his text to accommodatethat new and spectacular development, at which point hededicated his work to Robert Curthose. Robert’s fall from favornecessitated another revision. 65 The successful maintenance of theGrandes chroniques de France required an institutionalized process ofwriting, in which officially appointed “historians of France” wrotethe biography of each monarch after his death. 66 Most noble familieswould have been much less able to maintain an on-going historicalproject over a long period of time than the kings of France or evengreat nobles like the dukes of Normandy and counts of Anjou, whosehistory was revisited by quasi-official and official historians over a63On the Castilian histories, see Vones (1991). Exemplary biography was animportant form but seemingly not the account of the descent of a family; see, forexample, those of Fernan Gonzalez (Poema de Fernán González, ed. M. A. Muro[Logrono, 1994]); and Pero Niño (G. Diaz de Gamez, El Victorial, ed. R. BeltranLlavador [Madrid, 1994]). I thank Karen Daly for calling my attention to thesetexts. For the Chronicle, see The Chronicle of San Juan de la Peña: A Fourteenth-centuryOfficial History of the Crown of Aragon, ed. L. H. Nelson (Philadelphia, 1991); Crónicade San Juan de la Peña, ed. A. Ubieto Arteta (Valencia, 1961).64See Matthew Paris, Chronica Majora, ed. H. R. Luard, 7 vols. (repr. Wiesbaden,1964); Shopkow (1997), 261.65The Gesta Normannorum ducum of William of Jumièges, ed. Van Houts, xxxii–xxxv.66Guenée (1980), 339 ff.
- Page 187 and 188: 178 ROLF SPRANDELfew who do not fit
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- Page 227 and 228: 218 LEAH SHOPKOWAnother explanation
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DYNASTIC HISTORY 229mean to suggest that noble families were not aware of themselves,did not attempt to enhance their status with literary works, or, mostcrucially, did not know or pass on stories about their past. What Ido mean to say is that writing down accounts of the past organizedaround the descent of the family does not seem to have been a primarymeans for most families of creating family identity.One possible reason for the paucity of such histories is that substantialresources were needed to produce even the most meager historicaltext. Learned people had to be deployed to record the text,particularly when Latin was the standard language of history. Whilein theory a Latin work might be composed to facilitate the comprehensionof the unlearned or might be orally translated, in practice,the consumption of such works at the court, when they wereintended for the court at all, seems to have been limited to the Latinliterati at the court. 60 All of this expense was incurred for an audiencethat was potentially smaller than the numbers who might bereached by a purely verbal and “traditional” recitation of family stories.If the purpose of the family history was to create cohesion andto advertise that cohesion and the family’s importance to other families,there might be more effective means to do this—perhaps patronizinga monastery, creating a family necropolis, keeping a splendidcourt, going to tournaments, and employing those who might advertiseone’s patronage to a wider clerical audience—at least until theincreasing use of the vernacular made it possible for a work to beread easily by or to lay people, in other words, until there was alay, literate culture. 61 The Grandes chroniques de France seem to standat the beginning of this process. In short, the costs of producing afamily history might outweigh the benefits.Even in the case that a family chose to commission a history, theresultant history would not necessarily be organized around the livesof family members. Rosamund McKitterick has argued that theCarolingians invented annals as a support to the status and ambitionof their dynasty, but the form focuses the attention on the controland organization and time and its passage rather than on descent. 62To organize a history around one’s family was to emphasize familyconnections or, in the case of the Carolingians, lack of them. To60Johanek (1992), 203–04.61See Johanek (1992), 195–96, for his comments on Viala, Naissance de l’écrivain.62McKitterick (1997), 115–17, 127 ff.