HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor
HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor
DYNASTIC HISTORY 221ple filiation consisting of one individual in each generation, with collateralrelatives and women left out, or they might be fuller thanthat. So even in this relatively clear case, there were ambiguities andvariations of practice.It would be logical to assume that there is a consistent relationshipbetween genealogies and more extended histories, and this seemsto have been the case with serial biographies—gesta—of bishops orabbots: the episcopal equivalent of the string of begats—the list—preceded the fuller work. 14 However, this was not always true forsecular genealogies. In some cases, for instance in the genealogies ofthe counts of Flanders, one can see a relatively rudimentary accountof succession turn into a fuller history as it was recopied and reworked.In Anjou, genealogies predate the fuller dynastic historical traditionthat began around 1100, and the later writers relied upon them. 15In other cases, such as Dudo of Saint-Quentin’s Deeds and Customs ofthe Norman Dukes, some scholars have conjectured that there was anunderlying oral genealogy, or at least a collection of family tales orNorman oral lore, but the complete and lengthy text stands aloneas a written text. 16 Perhaps such genealogies existed in every caseand were not written down or were lost, but there are large numbersof genealogies which have survived, yet which never were expandedor continued. Thus, it would be a mistake, as Genicot warns, to seegenealogies as simply a rudimentary form of longer dynastic histories.17 The frequency with which they continued to be copied andthe unpredictability with which they were reworked as longer textssuggests that they had their own significance; they were not simplyminor examples of something else, although they might well be sourcematerial for another kind of history. Indeed, when the Flemish comitalgenealogy became a longer history, it no longer was called agenealogy but acquired a name of its own, Flandria generosa (NobleFlanders). 1814See Sot (in this volume); Deliyannis (1997).15L. Halphen and R. Poupardin, Chroniques des comtes d’Anjou et des seigneurs d’Amboise(Paris, 1913), xciii–xcv; the genealogies are published in Poupardin (1900).16Dudo of Saint-Quentin, De moribus et actis primorum Normanniae ducum, ed. J. Lair(Caen, 1865); Dudo of Saint-Quentin, History of the Normans, trans. Eric Christiansen(Rochester, N.Y., 1998); Searle (1984); van Houts (1984).17Genicot (1975), 22–23.18Genealogiae comitum Flandriae, ed. L. C. Bethmann, in MGH Scriptores, vol. 9(Hannover, 1851), 313–34.
222 LEAH SHOPKOWThe genesis of the longer dynastic histories is not fully clear. Whatwe have in most cases is a series of individual biographies, eachstarting with the birth or reign of its subject. Other members of thefamily may be invoked to a lesser or greater degree. In the Deedsand Customs of the Norman Dukes, few collateral relatives are mentioned:the attention is on the succession of Norman rulers. In the Historyof the Counts of Guines and Lords of Ardres, however, the marriages ofmost of the children of the family are related and collateral branchesof the family often are mentioned. 19 These histories resemble theepiscopal and abbatial histories commonly known as gesta, and thefirst example, Dudo’s history, indeed may have been modeled partiallyon that kind of history. 20 In addition to the Norman examples,there are Angevin dynastic histories, and the imperial chronicle ofFrutolf (but not of his successors) is also organized around the imperialsuccession. Finally, the French national history, the Grandeschroniques de France, takes this form, and there are a few other examples.21 What is striking is that there is no one generic name for thiskind of history as there was for genealogies, just as there was commonlyno one name for histories. 22One might also consider family trees as a form of dynastic history,and these begin in the twelfth century and become more commonwith the passage of time, although there seems to have beensome experimentation with the physical form of the trees. 23 However,19Lambert of Ardres, Lamberti Ardensis historia comitum Ghisnensium, ed. J. Heller inMGH Scriptores, vol. 24 (Hannover, 1879), 550–642; Lambert of Ardres, The Historyof the Counts of Guines and Lords of Ardres, trans. L. Shopkow (Philadelphia, 2001).20Shopkow (1997), 147–48.21On Dudo’s title, see Huisman (1984); William of Jumièges, The Gesta Normannorumducum of William of Jumièges, Orderic Vitalis, and Robert of Torigni, ed. and trans. E. M. C.van Houts, 2 vols. (Oxford, 1992–95). The Angevin examples: Halphen and Poupardin,Chroniques des comtes d’Anjou et des seigneurs d’Amboise. Frutolf: Schmale (1972). On theGrandes chroniques: Les Grandes chroniques de France, ed. J. M. É. Viard, in Société de l’histoirede France, Publications in octavo, vols. 395, 401, 404, 415, 418, 423, 429, 438, 457(Paris, 1920–); Spiegel (1978). Frutolf ’s work is regnal, in that it does not concernitself with the time before the emperor’s rule, but begins each reign with a summaryof the years of the reign. His successors may have chosen not to continuethis organization, because they begin in medias res, in that in writing about contemporaries,they did not know how long a reign would last. However, bothEkkehard’s chronicle and the anonymous Kaiserchronik might be called dynastic, eventhough organized in annalistic form, in that the emperors are the main concern ofthe chronicle.22Shopkow (1997), 19–21.23Klapisch-Zuber (1991).
- Page 179 and 180: 170 ROLF SPRANDELThe Cologne world
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- Page 227 and 228: 218 LEAH SHOPKOWAnother explanation
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222 LEAH SHOPKOWThe genesis of the longer dynastic histories is not fully clear. Whatwe have in most cases is a series of individual biographies, eachstarting with the birth or reign of its subject. Other members of thefamily may be invoked to a lesser or greater degree. In the Deedsand Customs of the Norman Dukes, few collateral relatives are mentioned:the attention is on the succession of Norman rulers. In the Historyof the Counts of Guines and Lords of Ardres, however, the marriages ofmost of the children of the family are related and collateral branchesof the family often are mentioned. 19 These histories resemble theepiscopal and abbatial histories commonly known as gesta, and thefirst example, Dudo’s history, indeed may have been modeled partiallyon that kind of history. 20 In addition to the Norman examples,there are Angevin dynastic histories, and the imperial chronicle ofFrutolf (but not of his successors) is also organized around the imperialsuccession. Finally, the French national history, the Grandeschroniques de France, takes this form, and there are a few other examples.21 What is striking is that there is no one generic name for thiskind of history as there was for genealogies, just as there was commonlyno one name for histories. 22One might also consider family trees as a form of dynastic history,and these begin in the twelfth century and become more commonwith the passage of time, although there seems to have beensome experimentation with the physical form of the trees. 23 However,19Lambert of Ardres, Lamberti Ardensis historia comitum Ghisnensium, ed. J. Heller inMGH Scriptores, vol. 24 (Hannover, 1879), 550–642; Lambert of Ardres, The Historyof the Counts of Guines and Lords of Ardres, trans. L. Shopkow (Philadelphia, 2001).20Shopkow (1997), 147–48.21On Dudo’s title, see Huisman (1984); William of Jumièges, The Gesta Normannorumducum of William of Jumièges, Orderic Vitalis, and Robert of Torigni, ed. and trans. E. M. C.van Houts, 2 vols. (Oxford, 1992–95). The Angevin examples: Halphen and Poupardin,Chroniques des comtes d’Anjou et des seigneurs d’Amboise. Frutolf: Schmale (1972). On theGrandes chroniques: Les Grandes chroniques de France, ed. J. M. É. Viard, in Société de l’histoirede France, Publications in octavo, vols. 395, 401, 404, 415, 418, 423, 429, 438, 457(Paris, 1920–); Spiegel (1978). Frutolf ’s work is regnal, in that it does not concernitself with the time before the emperor’s rule, but begins each reign with a summaryof the years of the reign. His successors may have chosen not to continuethis organization, because they begin in medias res, in that in writing about contemporaries,they did not know how long a reign would last. However, bothEkkehard’s chronicle and the anonymous Kaiserchronik might be called dynastic, eventhough organized in annalistic form, in that the emperors are the main concern ofthe chronicle.22Shopkow (1997), 19–21.23Klapisch-Zuber (1991).