HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor
HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor
HIGH AND LATE MEDIEVAL NATIONAL HISTORIOGRAPHY 209the planned Books VI and VII, reveals an understanding of historyas Volksgeschichte that finds few parallels up to this time in its radicality.The depiction begins with the sweeping early history, the storyof the eponymous great-grandparents Gaythelos, the son of a Greekking and Scota, the daughter of a pharaoh, who initiated a migrationof their people from Egypt to Albion via Spain and Ireland.Carrier and subject as well as identificatory concept of Scottish historyin this context is not the regia stirps or individual significant kings,nor an already always firmly circumscribed region of settlement but,instead, the gens Scotorum, the genus Scoticum. This Scottish conceptionof history is informed by a century-long struggle for Scottish independencevis-à-vis the claims of the English crown, and, against thebackground of a crisis-laden development of the kingdom underDavid II (1329–71) and Robert II (1371–90), is implemented as adidactic device for them. History contains examples for politicallypositive and negative actions on the part of the rulers, exempla adfuturorum, the observance of which should ensure the security of thepolitical independence of the natio Scotorum.New Developments Since the Middle of the Fifteenth CenturyIn the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries, with emphasis on theperiod following the middle of the fifteenth century, the nationalhistoricalform of depiction achieved a level of popularity not previouslyattested. The more than sixty texts of this period cannoteven be enumerated here. Instead, one should describe the strikingcharacteristics of national historiography towards the end of theMiddle Ages.In western Europe—in Spain, France, and England—a textual traditionof national chronicles had developed in the 1270s, which experiencedits last level of reworking in the 1460/70s. The Crónica general,dating back to Alfonso X, underwent a revision around 1460, characterizedas a Cuarta Crónica General, in which a vernacular versionof the Historia Gothica of Jiménez de Rada also left its mark; the versionextended to 1454. 104 The official version of French history, theGrandes Chroniques de France, was continued, in the last stage of revision,104Primera Crónica General, ed. Menéndez Pidal, vol. 1 (as n. 54), lxix–lxxii.
210 NORBERT KERSKENto the accession to the throne of Louis XI (1461). 105 The Brut inEngland had a comparable significance, the latest revision of whichends likewise with 1461. 106 Here, however, the difference betweenthe historiographic traditions in Spain and France as well as inEngland becomes apparent: if national historiography is bound closelyto the kingdom with respect to the milieu of the writing as well asthe conception, then one can not speak of an official historiographyfor England, even if one may assume a relatively stable institutionalframework for the long-lasting productivity of the Brut, possibly aconnection to the central governing body and chancellery in London.A second phenomenon is the writing in many countries of new,large national-historical syntheses, which newly canonized the conceptionof history for a long time. At the beginning of the texts relevanthere stands the Scotichronicon of Walter Bower (ca. 1385–1449),the abbot of Inchcolme (an island in Firth of Forth). 107 He linked himselfto Fordun’s chronicle but developed it further and continuedthe depiction in sixteen books up through the murder of James I(1437). In England, shortly thereafter, new comprehensive depictionsappeared against the background of the dynastic conflicts betweenthe houses of Lancaster and York. John Hardyng (1378–ca. 1465)dedicated his English rhymed chronicle, extending at first to 1457,to Henry VI; however, he dedicated a second, revised version to theformer’s opponent, Richard of York, as well as his son Edward IV. 108John Capgrave (1393–1464), provincial of the English Augustine hermits,wrote an English history conceived in universal-historical terms,the Abbreuiacion of Cronicles, written around 1462/63 and ending withthe 6615th year after the creation of the world, that is 1417, omittingcontemporary history. 109A new development in Danish historiography dates back to the1470s as, presumably in the Sorø Cistercian monastery, the firstsignificant depiction of Danish history in the vernacular, the so-called105See Avril, et al. (1987).106Brut; continuatio of 1333–1461, ed. F. W. D. Brie, vol. 2 (as n. 89), 291–332,335–91, 491–533.107Walter Bower, Scotichronicon, ed. D. E. R. Watt, 9 vols. (Aberdeen, 1987–98).108See Gransden (1982), 274–87.109John Capgrave, Abbreuiacion of Cronicles, ed. P. J. Lucas, Early English TextSociety 285 (Oxford, 1983), with detailed introduction by the editor and bibliography.See also Zumkeller (1992).
- Page 167 and 168: 158 ROLF SPRANDELepochs of the worl
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- Page 191 and 192: 182 NORBERT KERSKENformulated by Is
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- Page 227 and 228: 218 LEAH SHOPKOWAnother explanation
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HIGH AND LATE MEDIEVAL NATIONAL <strong>HISTORIOGRAPHY</strong> 209the planned Books VI and VII, reveals an understanding of historyas Volksgeschichte that finds few parallels up to this time in its radicality.The depiction begins with the sweeping early history, the storyof the eponymous great-grandparents Gaythelos, the son of a Greekking and Scota, the daughter of a pharaoh, who initiated a migrationof their people from Egypt to Albion via Spain and Ireland.Carrier and subject as well as identificatory concept of Scottish historyin this context is not the regia stirps or individual significant kings,nor an already always firmly circumscribed region of settlement but,instead, the gens Scotorum, the genus Scoticum. This Scottish conceptionof history is informed by a century-long struggle for Scottish independencevis-à-vis the claims of the English crown, and, against thebackground of a crisis-laden development of the kingdom underDavid II (1329–71) and Robert II (1371–90), is implemented as adidactic device for them. History contains examples for politicallypositive and negative actions on the part of the rulers, exempla adfuturorum, the observance of which should ensure the security of thepolitical independence of the natio Scotorum.New Developments Since the Middle of the Fifteenth CenturyIn the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries, with emphasis on theperiod following the middle of the fifteenth century, the nationalhistoricalform of depiction achieved a level of popularity not previouslyattested. The more than sixty texts of this period cannoteven be enumerated here. Instead, one should describe the strikingcharacteristics of national historiography towards the end of theMiddle Ages.In western Europe—in Spain, France, and England—a textual traditionof national chronicles had developed in the 1270s, which experiencedits last level of reworking in the 1460/70s. The Crónica general,dating back to Alfonso X, underwent a revision around 1460, characterizedas a Cuarta Crónica General, in which a vernacular versionof the Historia Gothica of Jiménez de Rada also left its mark; the versionextended to 1454. 104 The official version of French history, theGrandes Chroniques de France, was continued, in the last stage of revision,104Primera Crónica General, ed. Menéndez Pidal, vol. 1 (as n. 54), lxix–lxxii.