HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor

HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor

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WORLD HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE LATE MIDDLE AGES 169and the need for chronological factual certainty, which we also findelsewhere, Closener, and even more so Twinger, follow an encyclopedicconception in their world history, which places these authorsin a special position.Another important author of the second category is Heinrich ofHerford. 38 He uses an epochal history and in the sixth epoch continuesthe work of Martin of Troppau, bridging the time since theend of Martin’s chronicle with western European chronicles, thedynastic history of Levold of Northof (referred to the counts of Markin the region of Lower Rhine), and others. Heinrich of Herford providesmaterial to the pope-chronicler Konrad of Halberstadt, butappears in turn to have borrowed material from the latter as well. 39Heinrich of Herford, who organizes according to emperors, markedlyaccents Heilsgeschichte. The notions of a seventh and eighth epoch,which go back to Augustine and are further developed by Konradof Halberstadt, are indicated in Heinrich as well. 40 At the same time,the organization according to emperors is not exactly without conceptualmeaning. He has an anti-papal orientation, belongs mostlikely to the opponents in Minden of the bishops provided by thepope, and shows a bias toward Ludwig of Bavaria. He objects toCharles IV, who was favored by the pope, yet at the same time seesin his reign close ties to Heilsgeschichte, as well as signs of the comingapocalypse in his election and the events of his first years. 41Heinrich of Herford transforms the dynastic history of Levold ofNorthof page by page into an imperial history, although, incidentally,this is not apparent in the otherwise-so-useful edition of A. Potthast.Konrad of Halberstadt transforms Heinrich of Herford completelyinto a papal history. 42 The work of Konrad of Halberstadt must becharacterized, in contrast to the papal histories mentioned above, asworld history, because it has the same richness of material as Heinrichof Herford and likewise is conceived within a framework of an apocalypticHeilsgeschichte.38Heinrich von Herford, Liber de rebus memoriabilioribus sive Chronicon, bis 1355, ed.A. Potthast (Göttingen, 1859), 1–291.39Leng (1996).40Haeusler (1980).41Sprandel (1994), 67–82.42Konrad von Halberstadt, Chronographia Interminata 1277–1355/59, ed. R. Leng(Wiesbaden, 1996).

170 ROLF SPRANDELThe Cologne world chronicle 43 is comparable in a more modestsense with Closener and Twinger of Königshofen. This world chroniclelinks up with older world historiography by means of the Colognecontinuation of Martin, and it is arranged similarly to a Colognebishop chronicle, just as the two Strasbourgians introduce Strasbourghistories alongside the papal and imperial history.The emphasis of the chronicles belonging to the third categorylies in the early fifteenth century. First we have to mention the worldchronicle of Andreas of Regensburg. Andreas writes a pope- andemperor-chronicle in the tradition of Martin of Troppau, whose workhe enriches with materials from the Latin world chronicling of theHigh Middle Ages. He bridges the period following the end ofMartin’s chronicle with Flores Temporum continuations and BavarianLandesgeschichte. Continuations of the Saxon world chronicle are producedas well.Andreas of Regensburg considers a three-way scheme in two ways:First, the names of popes and emperors in the manuscript are emphasizedwith red double circles, the bishops of Regensburg with blackdouble circles. In places he also writes papal, imperial, and evenepiscopal history in two or even three columns, thereby creating asynopsis as Martin of Troppau once did. Second, he later works thematerial of the world chronicle into a Bavarian dynastic chronicle.Formally speaking, Regensburg takes on greater importance withreference to the Quaternion doctrine, according to which Regensburgis one of the capitals of the empire along with Rome, Cologne, andTrier. 44 Nevertheless, one would not wish to characterize the bolsteringof Landesgeschichte as Andreas’s main intention. He ends hisworld chronicle in 1422 but promises to describe future events aslong as he lives 45 and, indeed, argues this intention until 1438. Heviews the chronicler as somehow bound by duty to memoria. Toremain silent in times of general need would be a sign of despair(659 in a dialogue about the Bohemian heresy). The pope-emperorscheme is thus merely a tradition-bound framework for a fosteringof memory, which considers in particular the regional relations.43Kölner Weltchronik, 1273/1288–1376, ed. R. Sprandel, MGH SS rer. Germ., N.S.15 (CITY, 1991), 33–119.44Andreas von Regensburg, Chronica, ed. Leidinger, 8; Schubert (1993).45Andreas von Regensburg, Chronica, ed. Leidinger, 150.

WORLD <strong>HISTORIOGRAPHY</strong> <strong>IN</strong> <strong>THE</strong> LATE <strong>MIDDLE</strong> <strong>AGES</strong> 169and the need for chronological factual certainty, which we also findelsewhere, Closener, and even more so Twinger, follow an encyclopedicconception in their world history, which places these authorsin a special position.Another important author of the second category is Heinrich ofHerford. 38 He uses an epochal history and in the sixth epoch continuesthe work of Martin of Troppau, bridging the time since theend of Martin’s chronicle with western European chronicles, thedynastic history of Levold of Northof (referred to the counts of Markin the region of Lower Rhine), and others. Heinrich of Herford providesmaterial to the pope-chronicler Konrad of Halberstadt, butappears in turn to have borrowed material from the latter as well. 39Heinrich of Herford, who organizes according to emperors, markedlyaccents Heilsgeschichte. The notions of a seventh and eighth epoch,which go back to Augustine and are further developed by Konradof Halberstadt, are indicated in Heinrich as well. 40 At the same time,the organization according to emperors is not exactly without conceptualmeaning. He has an anti-papal orientation, belongs mostlikely to the opponents in Minden of the bishops provided by thepope, and shows a bias toward Ludwig of Bavaria. He objects toCharles IV, who was favored by the pope, yet at the same time seesin his reign close ties to Heilsgeschichte, as well as signs of the comingapocalypse in his election and the events of his first years. 41Heinrich of Herford transforms the dynastic history of Levold ofNorthof page by page into an imperial history, although, incidentally,this is not apparent in the otherwise-so-useful edition of A. Potthast.Konrad of Halberstadt transforms Heinrich of Herford completelyinto a papal history. 42 The work of Konrad of Halberstadt must becharacterized, in contrast to the papal histories mentioned above, asworld history, because it has the same richness of material as Heinrichof Herford and likewise is conceived within a framework of an apocalypticHeilsgeschichte.38Heinrich von Herford, Liber de rebus memoriabilioribus sive Chronicon, bis 1355, ed.A. Potthast (Göttingen, 1859), 1–291.39Leng (1996).40Haeusler (1980).41Sprandel (1994), 67–82.42Konrad von Halberstadt, Chronographia Interminata 1277–1355/59, ed. R. Leng(Wiesbaden, 1996).

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