HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor
HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor
WORLD HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE LATE MIDDLE AGES 169and the need for chronological factual certainty, which we also findelsewhere, Closener, and even more so Twinger, follow an encyclopedicconception in their world history, which places these authorsin a special position.Another important author of the second category is Heinrich ofHerford. 38 He uses an epochal history and in the sixth epoch continuesthe work of Martin of Troppau, bridging the time since theend of Martin’s chronicle with western European chronicles, thedynastic history of Levold of Northof (referred to the counts of Markin the region of Lower Rhine), and others. Heinrich of Herford providesmaterial to the pope-chronicler Konrad of Halberstadt, butappears in turn to have borrowed material from the latter as well. 39Heinrich of Herford, who organizes according to emperors, markedlyaccents Heilsgeschichte. The notions of a seventh and eighth epoch,which go back to Augustine and are further developed by Konradof Halberstadt, are indicated in Heinrich as well. 40 At the same time,the organization according to emperors is not exactly without conceptualmeaning. He has an anti-papal orientation, belongs mostlikely to the opponents in Minden of the bishops provided by thepope, and shows a bias toward Ludwig of Bavaria. He objects toCharles IV, who was favored by the pope, yet at the same time seesin his reign close ties to Heilsgeschichte, as well as signs of the comingapocalypse in his election and the events of his first years. 41Heinrich of Herford transforms the dynastic history of Levold ofNorthof page by page into an imperial history, although, incidentally,this is not apparent in the otherwise-so-useful edition of A. Potthast.Konrad of Halberstadt transforms Heinrich of Herford completelyinto a papal history. 42 The work of Konrad of Halberstadt must becharacterized, in contrast to the papal histories mentioned above, asworld history, because it has the same richness of material as Heinrichof Herford and likewise is conceived within a framework of an apocalypticHeilsgeschichte.38Heinrich von Herford, Liber de rebus memoriabilioribus sive Chronicon, bis 1355, ed.A. Potthast (Göttingen, 1859), 1–291.39Leng (1996).40Haeusler (1980).41Sprandel (1994), 67–82.42Konrad von Halberstadt, Chronographia Interminata 1277–1355/59, ed. R. Leng(Wiesbaden, 1996).
170 ROLF SPRANDELThe Cologne world chronicle 43 is comparable in a more modestsense with Closener and Twinger of Königshofen. This world chroniclelinks up with older world historiography by means of the Colognecontinuation of Martin, and it is arranged similarly to a Colognebishop chronicle, just as the two Strasbourgians introduce Strasbourghistories alongside the papal and imperial history.The emphasis of the chronicles belonging to the third categorylies in the early fifteenth century. First we have to mention the worldchronicle of Andreas of Regensburg. Andreas writes a pope- andemperor-chronicle in the tradition of Martin of Troppau, whose workhe enriches with materials from the Latin world chronicling of theHigh Middle Ages. He bridges the period following the end ofMartin’s chronicle with Flores Temporum continuations and BavarianLandesgeschichte. Continuations of the Saxon world chronicle are producedas well.Andreas of Regensburg considers a three-way scheme in two ways:First, the names of popes and emperors in the manuscript are emphasizedwith red double circles, the bishops of Regensburg with blackdouble circles. In places he also writes papal, imperial, and evenepiscopal history in two or even three columns, thereby creating asynopsis as Martin of Troppau once did. Second, he later works thematerial of the world chronicle into a Bavarian dynastic chronicle.Formally speaking, Regensburg takes on greater importance withreference to the Quaternion doctrine, according to which Regensburgis one of the capitals of the empire along with Rome, Cologne, andTrier. 44 Nevertheless, one would not wish to characterize the bolsteringof Landesgeschichte as Andreas’s main intention. He ends hisworld chronicle in 1422 but promises to describe future events aslong as he lives 45 and, indeed, argues this intention until 1438. Heviews the chronicler as somehow bound by duty to memoria. Toremain silent in times of general need would be a sign of despair(659 in a dialogue about the Bohemian heresy). The pope-emperorscheme is thus merely a tradition-bound framework for a fosteringof memory, which considers in particular the regional relations.43Kölner Weltchronik, 1273/1288–1376, ed. R. Sprandel, MGH SS rer. Germ., N.S.15 (CITY, 1991), 33–119.44Andreas von Regensburg, Chronica, ed. Leidinger, 8; Schubert (1993).45Andreas von Regensburg, Chronica, ed. Leidinger, 150.
- Page 127 and 128: 118 THOMAS J. HEFFERNANlargely abse
- Page 129 and 130: 120 THOMAS J. HEFFERNANThe Beginnin
- Page 131 and 132: 122 THOMAS J. HEFFERNANThe GospelsW
- Page 133 and 134: 124 THOMAS J. HEFFERNANidentificati
- Page 135 and 136: 126 THOMAS J. HEFFERNANChristian Ep
- Page 137 and 138: 128 THOMAS J. HEFFERNANthe narrativ
- Page 139 and 140: 130 THOMAS J. HEFFERNANIn Eusebius
- Page 141 and 142: 132 THOMAS J. HEFFERNANbrought new
- Page 143 and 144: 134 THOMAS J. HEFFERNANAlthough Chr
- Page 145 and 146: 136 THOMAS J. HEFFERNANtype in his
- Page 147 and 148: 138 THOMAS J. HEFFERNANresignation,
- Page 149 and 150: 140 THOMAS J. HEFFERNANthe praetori
- Page 151 and 152: 142 THOMAS J. HEFFERNANAlthough Odo
- Page 153 and 154: 144 THOMAS J. HEFFERNANso that the
- Page 155 and 156: 146 THOMAS J. HEFFERNANWhat were Gr
- Page 157 and 158: 148 THOMAS J. HEFFERNANperils of an
- Page 159 and 160: 150 THOMAS J. HEFFERNANin the same
- Page 161 and 162: 152 THOMAS J. HEFFERNANthese divine
- Page 163 and 164: 154 THOMAS J. HEFFERNANthrough othe
- Page 165 and 166: This page intentionally left blank
- Page 167 and 168: 158 ROLF SPRANDELepochs of the worl
- Page 169 and 170: 160 ROLF SPRANDELaforementioned pur
- Page 171 and 172: 162 ROLF SPRANDELwill be described
- Page 173 and 174: 164 ROLF SPRANDELThis goal also is
- Page 175 and 176: 166 ROLF SPRANDELpope section has b
- Page 177: 168 ROLF SPRANDELbishop and city in
- Page 181 and 182: 172 ROLF SPRANDELit is a chronicle
- Page 183 and 184: 174 ROLF SPRANDELworld and relies m
- Page 185 and 186: 176 ROLF SPRANDELtaken up by Schede
- Page 187 and 188: 178 ROLF SPRANDELfew who do not fit
- Page 189 and 190: This page intentionally left blank
- Page 191 and 192: 182 NORBERT KERSKENformulated by Is
- Page 193 and 194: 184 NORBERT KERSKENA few years afte
- Page 195 and 196: 186 NORBERT KERSKENpoint of departu
- Page 197 and 198: 188 NORBERT KERSKENof which (1110/1
- Page 199 and 200: 190 NORBERT KERSKENat Sázava; and,
- Page 201 and 202: 192 NORBERT KERSKENhistoriography o
- Page 203 and 204: 194 NORBERT KERSKENnine books can b
- Page 205 and 206: 196 NORBERT KERSKENMedieval Norway
- Page 207 and 208: 198 NORBERT KERSKENand worked, duri
- Page 209 and 210: 200 NORBERT KERSKENplanis verbis in
- Page 211 and 212: 202 NORBERT KERSKENto the invasion
- Page 213 and 214: 204 NORBERT KERSKENwhich made a con
- Page 215 and 216: 206 NORBERT KERSKENindebted to Vinc
- Page 217 and 218: 208 NORBERT KERSKENof various polit
- Page 219 and 220: 210 NORBERT KERSKENto the accession
- Page 221 and 222: 212 NORBERT KERSKENAt the turn of t
- Page 223 and 224: 214 NORBERT KERSKENHumanistic natio
- Page 225 and 226: This page intentionally left blank
- Page 227 and 228: 218 LEAH SHOPKOWAnother explanation
WORLD <strong>HISTORIOGRAPHY</strong> <strong>IN</strong> <strong>THE</strong> LATE <strong>MIDDLE</strong> <strong>AGES</strong> 169and the need for chronological factual certainty, which we also findelsewhere, Closener, and even more so Twinger, follow an encyclopedicconception in their world history, which places these authorsin a special position.Another important author of the second category is Heinrich ofHerford. 38 He uses an epochal history and in the sixth epoch continuesthe work of Martin of Troppau, bridging the time since theend of Martin’s chronicle with western European chronicles, thedynastic history of Levold of Northof (referred to the counts of Markin the region of Lower Rhine), and others. Heinrich of Herford providesmaterial to the pope-chronicler Konrad of Halberstadt, butappears in turn to have borrowed material from the latter as well. 39Heinrich of Herford, who organizes according to emperors, markedlyaccents Heilsgeschichte. The notions of a seventh and eighth epoch,which go back to Augustine and are further developed by Konradof Halberstadt, are indicated in Heinrich as well. 40 At the same time,the organization according to emperors is not exactly without conceptualmeaning. He has an anti-papal orientation, belongs mostlikely to the opponents in Minden of the bishops provided by thepope, and shows a bias toward Ludwig of Bavaria. He objects toCharles IV, who was favored by the pope, yet at the same time seesin his reign close ties to Heilsgeschichte, as well as signs of the comingapocalypse in his election and the events of his first years. 41Heinrich of Herford transforms the dynastic history of Levold ofNorthof page by page into an imperial history, although, incidentally,this is not apparent in the otherwise-so-useful edition of A. Potthast.Konrad of Halberstadt transforms Heinrich of Herford completelyinto a papal history. 42 The work of Konrad of Halberstadt must becharacterized, in contrast to the papal histories mentioned above, asworld history, because it has the same richness of material as Heinrichof Herford and likewise is conceived within a framework of an apocalypticHeilsgeschichte.38Heinrich von Herford, Liber de rebus memoriabilioribus sive Chronicon, bis 1355, ed.A. Potthast (Göttingen, 1859), 1–291.39Leng (1996).40Haeusler (1980).41Sprandel (1994), 67–82.42Konrad von Halberstadt, Chronographia Interminata 1277–1355/59, ed. R. Leng(Wiesbaden, 1996).