HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor
HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE MIDDLE AGES - Julian Emperor
WORLD HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE LATE MIDDLE AGES 161This papal and church historiography does not belong to the worldhistory examined here. In our opinion, it stands in a historiographictradition that claims not the status of world history but, rather, thatof a history of the Church in and against the world. The course isset early for this differentiation. One need only recall that Eusebiuspublished a church history separate from a world history and therebyfounded a tradition. 16Then one recalls the imperial idealism of Henry VII and Ludwigof Bavaria and the imperial reform plans of Charles IV throughFrederick III and Maximilian. 17 To what extent do these provideimpetus and foundation for conceiving post-Staufer history as a worldempire history? On the other hand, one must consider the rise ofregional institutions and authorities. Can one not continue the traditionalworld history by giving special consideration to the localdynasty, the diocese or cloister, and the city, thereby enhancing theirstatus in relation to others?The French continuation of Martin of Troppau’s history reducesworld history first of all to a history of the [Avignonian] papacy, thento French history, and reflects thereby the loss of a world-historicalhorizon in French historiography. 18 There is no such loss in Germanhistoriography. Here there are regional histories with a world-historicalclassification along with regional histories that contain no suchclassification. The German imperial history of the late Middle Agesrepresents one problem. Is it comparable to French national historyor is it linked to the Latin and German-speaking imperial history ofthe High Middle Ages with its claim to world history?The Saxon world chronicle has an uncertain fate in the late MiddleAges. The so-called First Bavarian Supplement is attached to theUpper German translation, which itself, however, stems not fromBavaria but, rather, from the upper Rhine region. To this Supplementis attached another, which has disparate versions in the various traditions.One such version is the Fourth Bavarian Supplement, whichScriptores 11 (Milan, 1727), cols. 743–1242; Heinrich Truchseß von Diessenhofen,Chronik, 1316–1361, ed. J. F. Böhmer and A. Huber, Fontes rerum Germanicarum 4(Stuttgart, 1868), 16–126; Martin of Fulda, Chronicon, ed. J. G. Eccard, Corpus historicummedii aevi 1 (Leipzig, 1723), cols. 1642–1732.16Chesnut (1977); Grant (1980).17Molitor (1921); Folz (1953); Bader (1954); Angermeier (1958); Dempf (1962);Peuckert (1948/1966); Kampers (1896/1969).18Champion (1907).
162 ROLF SPRANDELwill be described later. While a world-historical character can beattested in both the Saxon world chronicle and the Fourth BavarianSupplement, such a character is lacking in the First BavarianSupplement. The latter contains more of a listing of emperor-gesta,“briefly sketched portraits of rulers” from 1273–1314. 19 “The emphasison the emperor profiles prevents the writing of an imperial historythat maintains continuity by neglecting individual history”. 20 WhenRudolf von Habsburg’s decision against relocation to Italy is praised,one could even interpret this as a statement against the traditionalworld-historical role of the German empire. Other emperor-gesta of theperiod can be similarly interpreted, such as those in Ellenhard’schronicle, which remind one of a history of the Habsburg dynasty.Similarly, the Gesta of Henry VII and Adolf, published by K. U.Jäschke, 21 also should be categorized as serving various dynastic, notworld-historical, interests.Thus the emperor-gesta introduced here are not to be taken, on thewhole, as world histories but, rather, are to be compared to dynastichistories or gesta of public officials, as modeled primarily in churchhistory. Despite dynastic approaches, no dynastic history can arisefrom these due to the character of the German kingdom. Nor dothey allow the formation of a national history, as cultivated in WesternEurope. We will bracket them in the following investigation.On that note, we turn to that which can be termed world historyin Germany of the late Middle Ages. The number of works isstill relatively large, and since we are concerned with typical motifsand conceptions, we will be selective and limit ourselves to prominentexamples.The motifs and conceptions already mentioned can either influencethe content or, over and above that, can shape the formal arrangementof the chronicle. It was advisable for the one resuming thechronicle to use the arrangement of the original. Andreas of Regensburgwrites in the foreword to his world chronicle that he is writing “admodum figure scolastice hystorie”. 22 It is all the more conspicuouswhen this does not occur. The chronological interest allows for the19Herkommer (1991), col. 491.20Sprandel (1994), 146.21Jäschke (1988).22Andreas von Regensberg, Chronica, ed. Leidinger, 4.
- Page 119 and 120: 110 MICHEL SOTLocal InformationThe
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- Page 125 and 126: 116 THOMAS J. HEFFERNANin contrast,
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- Page 167 and 168: 158 ROLF SPRANDELepochs of the worl
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- Page 191 and 192: 182 NORBERT KERSKENformulated by Is
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162 ROLF SPRANDELwill be described later. While a world-historical character can beattested in both the Saxon world chronicle and the Fourth BavarianSupplement, such a character is lacking in the First BavarianSupplement. The latter contains more of a listing of emperor-gesta,“briefly sketched portraits of rulers” from 1273–1314. 19 “The emphasison the emperor profiles prevents the writing of an imperial historythat maintains continuity by neglecting individual history”. 20 WhenRudolf von Habsburg’s decision against relocation to Italy is praised,one could even interpret this as a statement against the traditionalworld-historical role of the German empire. Other emperor-gesta of theperiod can be similarly interpreted, such as those in Ellenhard’schronicle, which remind one of a history of the Habsburg dynasty.Similarly, the Gesta of Henry VII and Adolf, published by K. U.Jäschke, 21 also should be categorized as serving various dynastic, notworld-historical, interests.Thus the emperor-gesta introduced here are not to be taken, on thewhole, as world histories but, rather, are to be compared to dynastichistories or gesta of public officials, as modeled primarily in churchhistory. Despite dynastic approaches, no dynastic history can arisefrom these due to the character of the German kingdom. Nor dothey allow the formation of a national history, as cultivated in WesternEurope. We will bracket them in the following investigation.On that note, we turn to that which can be termed world historyin Germany of the late Middle Ages. The number of works isstill relatively large, and since we are concerned with typical motifsand conceptions, we will be selective and limit ourselves to prominentexamples.The motifs and conceptions already mentioned can either influencethe content or, over and above that, can shape the formal arrangementof the chronicle. It was advisable for the one resuming thechronicle to use the arrangement of the original. Andreas of Regensburgwrites in the foreword to his world chronicle that he is writing “admodum figure scolastice hystorie”. 22 It is all the more conspicuouswhen this does not occur. The chronological interest allows for the19Herkommer (1991), col. 491.20Sprandel (1994), 146.21Jäschke (1988).22Andreas von Regensberg, Chronica, ed. Leidinger, 4.