Notes / 197alist art, permeated by humanism and historical optimism, counters the bourgeoiswest’s ‘mass culture,’ which tramples human dignity and sows disbelief in man’sstrength and future.” Translated in Foreign Broadcast Information Service (FIBIS),“Pravda Editorial on the Role of Artistic Criticism,” Daily Report: Soviet Union,June 9, 1981.96. One short review appeared in the art journal Iskusstvo, (Art) as part of an overview ofall the summer 1981 offerings. It summarized her subject <strong>matter</strong> and praised herrealist style. “In Moscow,” the reviewer concluded, “she and friends met true appreciatorsof realist art” (no. 9, 1981, p. 76). I thank Pam Kachurin for locating thisreview, which I had overlooked, and for providing the translation. Although the reactionof the art critics was minimal, Neel was interviewed on television, and so,ironically, her persona instead of her work reached a wide audience. Nancy Neel,who along with her husband and children accompanied Neel to the U.S.S.R., reportsthat the crowds at the exhibit were consistently large, and that a TV interviewhad a wide audience as well. There were no reviews in Dekorativenoe iskusstvo orKhudozhnik Itvo. Pravda [July 10, 1981?] provided a brief notice.97. Margarita Tupitsyn, “U-Turn of the U-topian,” in David Ross, et al., Between Springand Summer: Soviet Conceptual Art in the Era of Late Communism (Cambridge,Mass.: M.I.T. Press, 1990), 36.98. Lucy Lippard, “Introduction: Art and Ideology,” New Museum of ContemporaryArt, quoted in Hilton Kramer, “Turning Back the Clock,” in The Revenge of thePhilistine: Art and Culture, 1972–84 (New York: The Free Press, 1985), 386.Chapter 6. El Barrio (pp. 90–108)1. Louisa Randall Church, “Parents—The Architects of Peace,” American Home (November1946), quoted in Elaine Tyler May, Homeward Bound (New York: BasicBooks, 1988), 135.2. Ibid., 208.3. Michael Harrington, The Other America: Poverty in the United States (Baltimore:Penguin Books, 1962), 10, 12.4. Ralph Ellison, The Invisible Man (1952) (New York: Vintage International, 1990),3, 14.5. See Joseph P. Fitzpatrick, Puerto Rican Americans: The Meaning of Migration tothe Mainland (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice Hall, 1971), and Dan Wakeƒeld,Island in the City: The World of Spanish Harlem (Boston: Houghton Mif„in, 1959).6. “Not accepted as white, reluctant to be classed as Negroes, they were clinging to everythingthat gave them identity as Puerto Ricans . . . The colored Puerto Rican isidentiƒed primarily as Puerto Rican, not as a Negro.” Fitzpatrick, Puerto RicanAmericans, 108–109.7. Guillen provided the following example: “Much of what we know about a greatNegro woman [‘La Bayamesa’] who was in charge of well-functioning ƒeld hospitalsduring our War of Independence, we owe to a Yankee journalist.” NicholasGuillen, “Havana to New York,” Masses & Mainstream 2/6 (June 1949), 61–62.
198 / Notes8. Meyer Schapiro, “Race, Nationality and Art,” Art <strong>Front</strong> 2/4 (March 1936), 10–11.9. Ruth Benedict and Gene Weltƒsh, “The Races of Mankind” (1943), reprinted inRuth Benedict, Race, Science and Politics (New York: Viking Press, 1947), 171.10. Ibid., 188. Because it praised the Russian nation for outlawing prejudice by “welcomingdifferences while refusing to treat them as inferiorities,” the House MilitaryAffairs subcommittee charged in early 1944 that the text was ƒlled with “all thetechniques . . . of Communistic propaganda” (167).11. Michael Leja, Reframing Abstract Expressionism (New Haven: Yale University Press,1993), 99.12. Gerald Meyer, “Puerto Ricans,” in Mari Jo Buhle, Paul Buhle, and Dan Georgakas,Encyclopedia of the American Left (New York: Garland, 1990), 614.13. Ibid.14. Patricia Cayo Sexton, Spanish Harlem: An Anatomy of Poverty (New York: Harper& Row, 1965), 106.15. Oscar Lewis, La Vida (New York: Random House, 1965), xliv.16. Ibid., xlvi.17. Sexton, Spanish Harlem, 176.18. Meyer, “Puerto Ricans,” 614.19. Jesus Colón, “José,” in A Puerto Rican in New York (New York: Mainstream Publishers,1961), 89.20. Lewis, La Vida, xlvi, lii.21. Langston Hughes’s play The Mulatto (1935) is a prominent example.22. Cyril Burt, The Backward Child (1937), quoted in Stephen Jay Gould, The Mismeasureof Man (New York: W. W. Norton, 1981), 281.23. Ruth Frankenberg, White Women, Race Matters: The Social Construction of Whiteness(Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1993), 54.24. After 1974, when Arce was in jail for the murder of his business partner, he maintaineda regular correspondence with Neel, calling her his second mother and regularlysending Hallmark cards for birthdays, Christmas, and Mother’s Day. Neelkept all of his letters on her mantel. The sentimental tone of his notes—“My loveand regards to the whole family and as always may God keep you in his care andBless you with Happiness always!”—is in jarring opposition to the action that led tohis incarceration. Arce taught himself law, in order to try to assist in his own defense,but he was still imprisoned at the time of Neel’s death. Neel’s comments onone of his notes requesting that she send him law books indicates that she felt“reasonable doubt” about his guilt: “when he realized that American Airlines paid$20,000 to a lawyer to defend an overweight stewardess case, Georgie’s appeal lawyerappeared even more inadequate when one realized it was a jail sentence of fromthirty years to life, Bellvue and Islip.” Letter from Georgie Arce to Alice Neel, Dec.30, 1974, Neel correspondence, Neel Arts, New York City.25. Piri Thomas, Down These Mean Streets (New York: Signet Books, 1967), 145.26. Mark Naison, Communists in Harlem During the Depression (Urbana: Universityof Illinois Press, 1983), 303.27. Harold Cruse, The Crisis of the Negro Intellectual (New York: Morrow, 1961), 221.28. Ibid., 213.
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