The Road to Afghanistan - George Washington University

The Road to Afghanistan - George Washington University The Road to Afghanistan - George Washington University

13.07.2015 Views

care of. What happened to the family of the Afghan leader? Right after the Tajbeg assault,Amin’s wife and children were incarcerated. They were kept in prison until 1985. Then fortwo more years they were kept under house arrest. In 1987, his widow wrote to theMinistry of Education of the DRA requesting assistance so that her children could receiveeducation. Her request was granted. Two daughters and one son left to study in the SovietUnion. Patmana herself remained in Kabul until the mujahadeen’s arrival. After that she leftfor India, lived in Russia for some time, and now resides in Hamburg with one of herdaughters. Her only income is a small allowance given to political refugees.Or, let’s address Amin’s practical actions, first as a member of the Central Committeeof the party, then the second-in-command of the country, and then the head of Afghanistan.If we don’t take into consideration his distinctly “Afghan” outbursts, such as manifestationsof Pashtun nationalism, Eastern perfidy, and cruelty, Amin acted as a loyal friend of theSoviet Union and a professional revolutionary. Even his enemies emphasized his vital rolein creating a military organization within the Khalq faction and his decisiveness during thedays of the April coup d’etat. Very few doubted his sincerity when he said that he was“more Soviet than many Soviet citizens.” It’s a different story that his “Sovietism” was a bittoo leftist, that he was getting ahead of himself, and that he worshipped Stalin.And if he worked for Americans, why would he time and again invite Soviet troopsfor his own protection, to deter rebel attacks, and to defend the sovereignty of Afghanistan?One can certainly suppose that it was part of a complex strategy with the goal of draggingus into an exhausting war on another state’s territory. But to me, such an explanationseems a bit too unrealistic. Certainly, the Soviet presence under Amin continued to grow,while severe limitations were imposed on the Americans.726

Valery Samunin:First, I would never make a categorical statement that the “CIA never abandons itsagents.” Second, I wouldn’t use such definitions in regards to Amin as the “loyal friend ofthe Soviet Union” and a “professional revolutionary.” In order to consider oneself a friend,one needs to at least know who his friend is. Amin knew very little about the Soviet Union.He mainly knew it from sensational publications in the American media and from reprintsof those publications in Afghanistan. This is why he thought that the Soviet leadership—this was in the late seventies—was using Stalinist principles and methods. That is why heattempted to portray himself as a “Stalinist.”He certainly does not deserve the definition of a “professional revolutionary.” In thelate 1960s I lived and worked in Afghanistan, and communicated closely and intensely withhighly respected Afghan intellectuals. I cannot remember a single person who even oncementioned Amin’s name among the Afghan revolutionaries. Taraki, Layeq, Bareq Shafi’i,Khyber, Karmal, Pandzhsheri, Mahmoudi, Gubar, Tahir Badakhshi, were all noted. Butnobody knew one thing about Amin then. That person somehow unnoticeably snuck intothe party, helped by his strange, if not mysterious, relationship with Taraki. Once Amingained strength, he immediately directed his crushing “revolutionary” outrage not againstthe “forces of reaction and imperialism,” but against Parchamis.Now, as to his endless requests to bring Soviet troops into Afghanistan. It is knownthat the Americans, as early as May 1978, were considering the possibility of full“entrapment” of the USSR in Afghanistan as an opportunity to deliver a blow to theinternational prestige of the Soviet Union and to force it to suffer catastrophic losses.727

Valery Samunin:First, I would never make a categorical statement that the “CIA never abandons itsagents.” Second, I wouldn’t use such definitions in regards <strong>to</strong> Amin as the “loyal friend ofthe Soviet Union” and a “professional revolutionary.” In order <strong>to</strong> consider oneself a friend,one needs <strong>to</strong> at least know who his friend is. Amin knew very little about the Soviet Union.He mainly knew it from sensational publications in the American media and from reprintsof those publications in <strong>Afghanistan</strong>. This is why he thought that the Soviet leadership—this was in the late seventies—was using Stalinist principles and methods. That is why heattempted <strong>to</strong> portray himself as a “Stalinist.”He certainly does not deserve the definition of a “professional revolutionary.” In thelate 1960s I lived and worked in <strong>Afghanistan</strong>, and communicated closely and intensely withhighly respected Afghan intellectuals. I cannot remember a single person who even oncementioned Amin’s name among the Afghan revolutionaries. Taraki, Layeq, Bareq Shafi’i,Khyber, Karmal, Pandzhsheri, Mahmoudi, Gubar, Tahir Badakhshi, were all noted. Butnobody knew one thing about Amin then. That person somehow unnoticeably snuck in<strong>to</strong>the party, helped by his strange, if not mysterious, relationship with Taraki. Once Amingained strength, he immediately directed his crushing “revolutionary” outrage not againstthe “forces of reaction and imperialism,” but against Parchamis.Now, as <strong>to</strong> his endless requests <strong>to</strong> bring Soviet troops in<strong>to</strong> <strong>Afghanistan</strong>. It is knownthat the Americans, as early as May 1978, were considering the possibility of full“entrapment” of the USSR in <strong>Afghanistan</strong> as an opportunity <strong>to</strong> deliver a blow <strong>to</strong> theinternational prestige of the Soviet Union and <strong>to</strong> force it <strong>to</strong> suffer catastrophic losses.727

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