The Road to Afghanistan - George Washington University

The Road to Afghanistan - George Washington University The Road to Afghanistan - George Washington University

13.07.2015 Views

The final decision that day was not recorded in writing. They agreed that, “troopswill have to be put on alert for possible military intervention on Afghan territory, ‘just incase.’”Surprisingly, that episode did not shake Ogarkov’s determination to continueinsisting on his point of view. It’s possible that the Politburo was facing such consistentresistance from one of the state’s top leaders for the first time in the many years of itsexistence.On December 10, the head of the General Staff undertook a final desperate attemptto derail the course of events. He prepared a detailed, substantive report, which narratedthe salient characteristics of the current situation in Afghanistan, with possible solutions toresolve the problems. He concluded that the appearance of Soviet troops on the territory ofa sovereign foreign state would likely cause extremely negative political, economic, social,and military consequences. Ogarkov, Akhromeev, and Varennikov signed the report. Thethree of them brought the report to the minister of defense.Handing the report to the minister, Ogarkov played his final trump card: “Don’t youthink, Dmitry Fedorovich, that the Americans are deliberately baiting us into a large-scalewar in order to bleed us to death and to compromise the USSR in the eyes of theinternational community? Our comrades share the opinion that the U.S. special servicesfalsified and fed us misleading information regarding both Amin’s betrayal and theirpossible control over Afghanistan.”“Notice how calmly and, I would say, indifferently they react to our militarypreparations,” added Varennikov. “They are hardly unaware of these preparations, but they678

keep their silence, and don’t make any official declarations or engage the media. This is souncharacteristic of them.”Ustinov didn’t show any reaction to what he was told. Certainly, such a version ofevents was not unknown to him. Once, he read information from an unnamed sourceclaiming that the Americans were planning to land a large group of commandos near theKandahar Airport, per Amin’s request. That really looked very much like disinformation.The minister of defense silently scanned the report. He made a few remarks in the marginswith his pencil. Then he signed the first page, placed the documents in a folder, andreturned it to Ogarkov. “You should give this to a prosecutor,” he said.He looked away, and paced across his office.“It is too late,” he said, looking into Ogarkov’s eyes. “The decision has been made.You and I must fulfill it * .”This was the last of Nikolai Vasilievich Ogarkov’s attempts to counter his minister’sposition. Henceforth he and his subordinates would begin to work around the clock toengage a large group of troops that would soon receive the title “A Limited Contingent ofSoviet Troops in Afghanistan.”Even several years later, when the Soviet troops left Afghanistan, when Glasnost hadarrived, and many politicians and heads of special services rushed to disassociatethemselves from their earlier wrong decisions, Ogarkov preferred to remain silent. Hedidn’t leave behind any memoirs or interviews. Such was the way he had been raised.**** Ustinov probably meant that the agreement in principal by most members of the Politburo for militaryintervention had been obtained. The decision itself would be officially adopted and registered two days later.679

<strong>The</strong> final decision that day was not recorded in writing. <strong>The</strong>y agreed that, “troopswill have <strong>to</strong> be put on alert for possible military intervention on Afghan terri<strong>to</strong>ry, ‘just incase.’”Surprisingly, that episode did not shake Ogarkov’s determination <strong>to</strong> continueinsisting on his point of view. It’s possible that the Politburo was facing such consistentresistance from one of the state’s <strong>to</strong>p leaders for the first time in the many years of itsexistence.On December 10, the head of the General Staff under<strong>to</strong>ok a final desperate attempt<strong>to</strong> derail the course of events. He prepared a detailed, substantive report, which narratedthe salient characteristics of the current situation in <strong>Afghanistan</strong>, with possible solutions <strong>to</strong>resolve the problems. He concluded that the appearance of Soviet troops on the terri<strong>to</strong>ry ofa sovereign foreign state would likely cause extremely negative political, economic, social,and military consequences. Ogarkov, Akhromeev, and Varennikov signed the report. <strong>The</strong>three of them brought the report <strong>to</strong> the minister of defense.Handing the report <strong>to</strong> the minister, Ogarkov played his final trump card: “Don’t youthink, Dmitry Fedorovich, that the Americans are deliberately baiting us in<strong>to</strong> a large-scalewar in order <strong>to</strong> bleed us <strong>to</strong> death and <strong>to</strong> compromise the USSR in the eyes of theinternational community? Our comrades share the opinion that the U.S. special servicesfalsified and fed us misleading information regarding both Amin’s betrayal and theirpossible control over <strong>Afghanistan</strong>.”“Notice how calmly and, I would say, indifferently they react <strong>to</strong> our militarypreparations,” added Varennikov. “<strong>The</strong>y are hardly unaware of these preparations, but they678

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