The Road to Afghanistan - George Washington University

“We ought to serve,” the ambassador would say. “There is a head of state who isrecognized by the Soviet leadership, which means we are obliged now to behaveaccordingly.”But it is doubtful if Puzanov was personally sympathetic to Amin or would place hisbet on him. It is also doubtful whether Ambassador Puzanov felt anything personal towardAmin; if he did, those personal views were deeply concealed, far from the surface ofanything expressed by this very mature diplomat. Alexander Mikhailovich, whoremembered the time of Stalin’s persecutions and dangerous intrigues among the partyand Soviet nomenklatura, played according to the rules. He saw how decisively and craftilyAmin cleared his path towards the summit of power, claiming loyalty to Marxist-Leninistideals all along the way. He respected Amin’s business qualities, his contribution to theconstruction of military and security forces, and his success in establishing internationalties. As a bureaucrat of the old school, he held Comrade Amin’s personal participation inthe development of revolutionary theory in high esteem. It was Comrade Amin who wrote anumber of works providing the April Revolution with an ideological foundation. So, the“Second Man” of the party had surpassed the “First Man” in every respect. Only the blindwould fail to see this fact.In the cables that he sent to Moscow, Puzanov, as a very experienced diplomat,avoided any categorical evaluations and judgments that might be used against him in thefuture. He stuck closely to facts. In the circle of leaders who were in charge of affairs inKabul, the ambassador had solidified his reputation as Hafizullah Amin’s close ally.However, he was not the only official with this reputation. Generals Gorelov and Zaplatincontinued to heap praise upon Amin. Deputy Defense Minister Pavlovsky also joined this610