The Road to Afghanistan - George Washington University

The Road to Afghanistan - George Washington University The Road to Afghanistan - George Washington University

13.07.2015 Views

carry out a coup d’etat by overthrowing Taraki. This information was news to bothMerimsky and Pavlovsky (as it turned out later). Merimsky responded in very genericterms, hinting that such information required comprehensive verification. Ivanov agreedwith him and asked Merimsky not to tell anyone about the information. However, in theevening, when the generals retired to their residence, Merimsky was paid a visit byGorelov.“What was Boris Semyonovich telling you? Most probably, he was trying to convinceyou that Hafizullah Amin is an American spy. This is nonsense! KGB men always fantasizeabout spies and saboteurs. I am certain that Comrade Amin is an honest revolutionary, aloyal and sincere friend of the Soviet Union. You will have plenty of opportunities in thefuture to see it for yourself.”At the time, Kabul was filled with rumors about the “second-ranking person in theDRA” being an American spy. There were even leaflets with that information disseminatedin the city. It was unknown who authored and dispersed them.Gorelov and Ivanov were invited to report on the situation in Afghanistan at aPolitburo session in Moscow. It was there that the conflict between the head of the Sovietmilitary advisory mission and representatives of the KGB became evident. Gromyko,Andropov, Ustinov, and Head of the General Staff Ogarkov subjected the two generals to abarrage of questions about the potential of the counter-revolutionary movement, themilitary capabilities of the Afghan army, the relationships among the leaders of the DRA,and the reasons for past failures. Gorelov was firm in his assessment: contradictions in theleadership can be overcome, and that will require Moscow to trust Amin more; Afghanarmed forces are capable of defending the revolution even if Pakistan dared to begin direct496

military intervention; there should be no Soviet military intervention.The analysis of the KGB’s Ivanov was the opposite of Gorelov’s. He warned themembers of the Politburo’s Afghanistan Commission about the fissures in the Khalqileadership and the danger of confrontation between Amin and Taraki, and he exudedskepticism about the military capabilities of the Afghan army. However, he was careful toavoid the issue of the possibility of direct Soviet military participation in the conflict.The longer the discussion at the Politburo Commission went, the gloomier the Sovietleaders became. However, judging by some questions and remarks, it became apparent thatIvanov’s analysis more closely appealed to the hearts of the Politburo members.Having just returned to Kabul, Gorelov went to southern Afghanistan to lead anoperation with the goal of liberating Urgun Province from the rebels. General Pavlovskyjoined him at the command quarters of the troops. In the height of the operation, the twogenerals decided to fly over the area of fighting in a helicopter. However, they did not seeany fire or smoke on the ground below them. They landed. Afghan commanders reported:“Success! When the rebels found out that two divisions were deployed to fight them, theyimmediately left for Pakistan. There were no casualties on either side.”Pavlovsky and Gorelov, both of whom were World War II veterans and participantsof the Soviet military intervention in Czechoslovakia, looked at each other and, emotionallystirred, hugged. “It is so good, Lev, that there are no casualties,” said Pavlovsky. “Enough ofcasualties. It is time to resolve the situation peacefully.”As strange as it may seem, those two generals did not want a war in Afghanistan.Perhaps it was their direct experience in suppressing the Prague Spring that turned theminto opponents of Soviet military intervention in Afghanistan. Memories of the mass497

carry out a coup d’etat by overthrowing Taraki. This information was news <strong>to</strong> bothMerimsky and Pavlovsky (as it turned out later). Merimsky responded in very genericterms, hinting that such information required comprehensive verification. Ivanov agreedwith him and asked Merimsky not <strong>to</strong> tell anyone about the information. However, in theevening, when the generals retired <strong>to</strong> their residence, Merimsky was paid a visit byGorelov.“What was Boris Semyonovich telling you? Most probably, he was trying <strong>to</strong> convinceyou that Hafizullah Amin is an American spy. This is nonsense! KGB men always fantasizeabout spies and saboteurs. I am certain that Comrade Amin is an honest revolutionary, aloyal and sincere friend of the Soviet Union. You will have plenty of opportunities in thefuture <strong>to</strong> see it for yourself.”At the time, Kabul was filled with rumors about the “second-ranking person in theDRA” being an American spy. <strong>The</strong>re were even leaflets with that information disseminatedin the city. It was unknown who authored and dispersed them.Gorelov and Ivanov were invited <strong>to</strong> report on the situation in <strong>Afghanistan</strong> at aPolitburo session in Moscow. It was there that the conflict between the head of the Sovietmilitary advisory mission and representatives of the KGB became evident. Gromyko,Andropov, Ustinov, and Head of the General Staff Ogarkov subjected the two generals <strong>to</strong> abarrage of questions about the potential of the counter-revolutionary movement, themilitary capabilities of the Afghan army, the relationships among the leaders of the DRA,and the reasons for past failures. Gorelov was firm in his assessment: contradictions in theleadership can be overcome, and that will require Moscow <strong>to</strong> trust Amin more; Afghanarmed forces are capable of defending the revolution even if Pakistan dared <strong>to</strong> begin direct496

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