The Road to Afghanistan - George Washington University

The Road to Afghanistan - George Washington University The Road to Afghanistan - George Washington University

13.07.2015 Views

influence. This topic was last discussed by the leaders of the United States and the USSR inYalta at the end of World War II.However, upon return to Moscow, Soviet leaders, including B.S. Ivanov, subjectedCarter’s words to a thorough analysis. Ustinov and Andropov’s interpretation was that theAmericans were proposing that the Persian Gulf and the Arabian Peninsula should fallwithin the American sphere of influence, while the Soviet Union would receive Iran andAfghanistan. Ustinov believed that they should immediately accept such a proposal.Gromyko cooled him down: “In Vienna, Carter did not speak about the division of spheresof influence, but only appealed to mutual restraint in all matters related to Afghanistan andIran. This is the first point. The second point is that we should agree that the Persian Gulfstates are in the geopolitical sphere of interests of the United States.” In this regardAndropov was also not a supporter of the idea of such negotiations with the Americans. Heconsidered that Afghanistan was already in Moscow’s orbit, while Iran was, for the timebeing, lost to both the United States and the USSR.After long discussions, the following decision was made: the proposal voiced byCarter was to be ignored, while the situation in the Middle East was to be very closelymonitored. Growing American involvement in Pakistan, particularly the obvious U.S.support of Afghan counter-revolutionaries, was of great concern to Moscow.On June 29, members of the Soviet Politburo discussed the memorandum signed byGromyko, Andropov, Ustinov, and Ponomaryov, and agreed that the situation inAfghanistan was becoming more complicated. The phrasing of this memorandum reflectedthe growing concern in the Soviet power ministries.When analyzing the causes of the situation’s deterioration, Politburo members were440

directly pointing out that Taraki and Amin had consolidated all power in their hands,frequently made mistakes, and violated the law. There was a lack of broad support for thenew regime in the country. The local organs of self-governance had not yet been created,while “the recommendations of our advisers regarding these issues are not being put intopractice by the Afghan leadership.” The memo also stated that the measures taken by theDRA to stabilize the government were not efficient, and that the efforts of counterrevolutionwere focused on the disintegration of the Afghan army: “Different means, suchas religious fanaticism, bribes, and threats are being used to achieve that goal. Officers arebeing approached individually to sway them towards acts of treason. Such reactionarypractices are being conducted on a large scale and can have dangerous consequences forthe revolution.”As standard methodology required, the informational narrative in the memorandumwas followed by a set of recommendations. These measures included sending a letter onbehalf of the Politburo to the Central Committee of the PDPA, the purpose of which was toexpress the Soviet leadership’s concern and anxiety in a friendly tone and to voicesuggestions for strengthening the people’s power. It was also proposed to strengthen thestaff of the PDPA adviser and to authorize the allocation of party advisers to city andregional councils. It also was proposed that an experienced general and a group of officersbe sent to work in the Afghan armed forces in order to help the head of the Soviet advisorycontingent. In addition, the suggestion was made to send fifty military advisers, includingmilitary political specialists, as well as military counterintelligence officers.However, the most important, and classified, part of the memorandum was thefourth item. It said the following: “Upon agreement with the Afghan side, a battalion of441

directly pointing out that Taraki and Amin had consolidated all power in their hands,frequently made mistakes, and violated the law. <strong>The</strong>re was a lack of broad support for thenew regime in the country. <strong>The</strong> local organs of self-governance had not yet been created,while “the recommendations of our advisers regarding these issues are not being put in<strong>to</strong>practice by the Afghan leadership.” <strong>The</strong> memo also stated that the measures taken by theDRA <strong>to</strong> stabilize the government were not efficient, and that the efforts of counterrevolutionwere focused on the disintegration of the Afghan army: “Different means, suchas religious fanaticism, bribes, and threats are being used <strong>to</strong> achieve that goal. Officers arebeing approached individually <strong>to</strong> sway them <strong>to</strong>wards acts of treason. Such reactionarypractices are being conducted on a large scale and can have dangerous consequences forthe revolution.”As standard methodology required, the informational narrative in the memorandumwas followed by a set of recommendations. <strong>The</strong>se measures included sending a letter onbehalf of the Politburo <strong>to</strong> the Central Committee of the PDPA, the purpose of which was <strong>to</strong>express the Soviet leadership’s concern and anxiety in a friendly <strong>to</strong>ne and <strong>to</strong> voicesuggestions for strengthening the people’s power. It was also proposed <strong>to</strong> strengthen thestaff of the PDPA adviser and <strong>to</strong> authorize the allocation of party advisers <strong>to</strong> city andregional councils. It also was proposed that an experienced general and a group of officersbe sent <strong>to</strong> work in the Afghan armed forces in order <strong>to</strong> help the head of the Soviet advisorycontingent. In addition, the suggestion was made <strong>to</strong> send fifty military advisers, includingmilitary political specialists, as well as military counterintelligence officers.However, the most important, and classified, part of the memorandum was thefourth item. It said the following: “Upon agreement with the Afghan side, a battalion of441

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