The Road to Afghanistan - George Washington University

The Road to Afghanistan - George Washington University The Road to Afghanistan - George Washington University

13.07.2015 Views

5. Confidential contacts with S. A. Gailani with the purpose of encouraging him toreturn to Afghanistan to establish cooperation with the new regime of the DRAshould be continued through the connections of KGB operatives.”“Yes, Volodya, this document is quite interesting. However, you should work toimprove the style and logic of the narrative in certain parts,” said Orlov-Morozov. “Therecommendations that are listed in the end should probably be sent in a separate cable. Itwon’t be necessary for those reading this document to know that we have approaches toGailani.”“Fine, Alexander Victorovich, I understand,” responded Khotyaev, picking up thepapers off the desk.***Moscow was increasingly sucked into the whirlwind that was created by the AprilRevolution. Their involvement was past the point of no return. Politicians, military andintelligence officers, diplomats, economists, representatives of different civilian agencies—hundreds of organizations were engaged in the process. The Soviet Union, whereeverything was in deficit, generously supplied Afghanistan with food, fuel, ammunition,military equipment, mineral fertilizers, agricultural machinery, cars, and instructionalmaterials. It paid hundreds of specialists to work in Afghanistan. Not a week passedwithout Afghan affairs being discussed at the meetings of the Politburo or the Secretariat inthe Central Committee of the CPSU.On April 1, ten days after the suppression of the Herat uprising, Gromyko, Andropov,Ustinov, and Ponomaryov, the foursome in charge of Soviet activities in Afghanistan,412

submitted their analysis to the Central Committee. The eleven-page document was anattempt to understand current events and determine a program of action for the nearestfuture.According to the unwritten rule at the time, the document started with anideological preamble: “In the conditions of an intense class struggle, the People’sDemocratic Party of Afghanistan, which represents the interests of the working class, findsitself on one side. On the other side are the forces that represent the interests of feudallandlords, the bourgeoisie, and the most reactionary part of the clergy.” This introductionwas followed by a list of reasons that the situation had sharply deteriorated. Among themwere complex inter-ethnic and tribal controversies, religious fanaticism, extremenationalism, economic hardships, and the consolidation of all counter-revolutionary forces.The authors of the document admitted that a program of broad social and economictransformation was in the very beginning of its implementation, and that most of thepopulation had not yet sensed the advantages of the new order and therefore did notappreciate its progressive character.Because this document was classified as Top Secret, and was addressed to very fewpeople, the Politburo members who signed it did not hide the weakness of the new Afghanauthorities. Among those weaknesses were a lack of local support and unwillingness toconduct a dialogue with the clergy and opposition tribal leaders. However, havingremarked that the PDPA hadn’t yet transformed into a mass political organization, theauthors of the document noticed that “the avant-garde workers and poorest peasants arebeing admitted into its membership very slowly.” The party remained not only small, butalso seriously weakened as a result of a power struggle between the Khalq and Parcham413

5. Confidential contacts with S. A. Gailani with the purpose of encouraging him <strong>to</strong>return <strong>to</strong> <strong>Afghanistan</strong> <strong>to</strong> establish cooperation with the new regime of the DRAshould be continued through the connections of KGB operatives.”“Yes, Volodya, this document is quite interesting. However, you should work <strong>to</strong>improve the style and logic of the narrative in certain parts,” said Orlov-Morozov. “<strong>The</strong>recommendations that are listed in the end should probably be sent in a separate cable. Itwon’t be necessary for those reading this document <strong>to</strong> know that we have approaches <strong>to</strong>Gailani.”“Fine, Alexander Vic<strong>to</strong>rovich, I understand,” responded Khotyaev, picking up thepapers off the desk.***Moscow was increasingly sucked in<strong>to</strong> the whirlwind that was created by the AprilRevolution. <strong>The</strong>ir involvement was past the point of no return. Politicians, military andintelligence officers, diplomats, economists, representatives of different civilian agencies—hundreds of organizations were engaged in the process. <strong>The</strong> Soviet Union, whereeverything was in deficit, generously supplied <strong>Afghanistan</strong> with food, fuel, ammunition,military equipment, mineral fertilizers, agricultural machinery, cars, and instructionalmaterials. It paid hundreds of specialists <strong>to</strong> work in <strong>Afghanistan</strong>. Not a week passedwithout Afghan affairs being discussed at the meetings of the Politburo or the Secretariat inthe Central Committee of the CPSU.On April 1, ten days after the suppression of the Herat uprising, Gromyko, Andropov,Ustinov, and Ponomaryov, the foursome in charge of Soviet activities in <strong>Afghanistan</strong>,412

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