The Road to Afghanistan - George Washington University

The Road to Afghanistan - George Washington University The Road to Afghanistan - George Washington University

13.07.2015 Views

e illiterate his whole life, and to make his living by selling small contraband. But Taraki gotlucky. His father decided that at least one person in that large family was to receive aneducation and have a different life. He picked Nur Mohammad, who was sent to study in agrade school in the Gazni province. Then he worked in Kandahar and Bombay. He learnedEnglish and Urdu in India, where he also was first exposed to the ideas of the nationalliberation struggle, as well as Marxism.“He then returned to Kabul, studied in college, began working as a bureaucrat in theMinistry of Economics, and from there moved to the Ministry of Information and PrintedMedia. Although he was a nobody not long ago, he was appointed deputy director of“Bakhtar,” the main information agency in Afghanistan. He wrote and published severalliterary pieces that made his name well known. Taraki became one of the leaders of themovement “Awakened Youth.” He authored a number of prominent articles defending thedemocratic transformation of society and the improvement in the quality of life of Afghanpeople.”“So he has been involved in revolutionary activities since post-war times?” Kosyginasked to clarify.“That appears to be the case,” confirmed Kozin. “But he was never seriouslypunished or persecuted, or even arrested, unlike Babrak Karmal, for instance. Even in1952, when the government delivered a powerful blow to the budding oppositionmovement, Taraki managed to avoid serious punishment, and moreover, was soon sent toWashington to work as a press attaché of the embassy of Afghanistan. Half a year later, as aresult of an anti-monarchy and anti-Daoud article that he published in the American media,his career as a diplomat was over. He appealed without success for political asylum in the376

United States, after which he returned to Afghanistan.“Then for ten whole years, until 1963, Taraki did odd jobs, interpreting forAmericans in Kabul, writing books and articles, and continuing to try to understand theintricacies of Marxism-Leninism. Taking advantage of some liberalization introduced byMohammad Yusuf’s government, he fully dedicated himself to revolutionary activities. Heorganized young people who opposed the regime into Marxist groups and conceived of theidea of creating a real leftist party to challenge the monarchy. He was elected first secretaryof the PDPA, as its founder, in 1965. A year later, though, differences in views regardingrevolutionary activities brought him to a break-up with another ideological leader, BabrakKarmal.”“Not so fast,” Kosygin interrupted. “Let’s discuss this in more detail. Do we havetime?” he turned to his assistant.“The airplane will land in ten minutes,” his assistant responded.“Good. Tell me, Comrade interpreter, what was the essence of their disagreements?Everybody is saying Khalq, Parcham, but nobody can explain to me why they fight oneanother with such hostility.”“I will do my best, Alexei Nikolayevich,” offered Kozin hesitantly. “However, this is avery delicate and complex topic, and I will have to omit many details because we have solittle time. Both Taraki and Karmal have agreed that Afghanistan should be a democraticstate, free of the monarchy and feudal restrictions, but they regarded the means of reachingthat goal very differently. Taraki, as many other creative and impulsive personalities,believed in reaching this goal through force. He, it seems to me, regarded revolutionarymeasures such as an armed uprising, red terror, and the forced realization of socio-377

United States, after which he returned <strong>to</strong> <strong>Afghanistan</strong>.“<strong>The</strong>n for ten whole years, until 1963, Taraki did odd jobs, interpreting forAmericans in Kabul, writing books and articles, and continuing <strong>to</strong> try <strong>to</strong> understand theintricacies of Marxism-Leninism. Taking advantage of some liberalization introduced byMohammad Yusuf’s government, he fully dedicated himself <strong>to</strong> revolutionary activities. Heorganized young people who opposed the regime in<strong>to</strong> Marxist groups and conceived of theidea of creating a real leftist party <strong>to</strong> challenge the monarchy. He was elected first secretaryof the PDPA, as its founder, in 1965. A year later, though, differences in views regardingrevolutionary activities brought him <strong>to</strong> a break-up with another ideological leader, BabrakKarmal.”“Not so fast,” Kosygin interrupted. “Let’s discuss this in more detail. Do we havetime?” he turned <strong>to</strong> his assistant.“<strong>The</strong> airplane will land in ten minutes,” his assistant responded.“Good. Tell me, Comrade interpreter, what was the essence of their disagreements?Everybody is saying Khalq, Parcham, but nobody can explain <strong>to</strong> me why they fight oneanother with such hostility.”“I will do my best, Alexei Nikolayevich,” offered Kozin hesitantly. “However, this is avery delicate and complex <strong>to</strong>pic, and I will have <strong>to</strong> omit many details because we have solittle time. Both Taraki and Karmal have agreed that <strong>Afghanistan</strong> should be a democraticstate, free of the monarchy and feudal restrictions, but they regarded the means of reachingthat goal very differently. Taraki, as many other creative and impulsive personalities,believed in reaching this goal through force. He, it seems <strong>to</strong> me, regarded revolutionarymeasures such as an armed uprising, red terror, and the forced realization of socio-377

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