The Road to Afghanistan - George Washington University

The Road to Afghanistan - George Washington University The Road to Afghanistan - George Washington University

13.07.2015 Views

spoke with Amin,” Gromyko added. “He calmly and confidently assured me that thesituation is not as complicated as it may seem, and that it is under the control of the Afghanarmed forces.”“So, according to Amin, the leadership of Afghanistan doesn’t feel any anxiety?”Kirilenko asked.“That seems to be the case,” confirmed Gromyko flatly. “Amin told me that thesituation, in general, is normal. He claims that all of the governors are loyal to the lawfulgovernment. But our comrades are telling a different story. They say that the situation inHerat and a number of other places is alarming. I asked Amin what actions he considersnecessary for us to take. Amin firmly denied any threat to the regime. At the end of theconversation, he asked me to give his best regards to the members of the Politburo, and toLeonid Ilyich Brezhnev personally.“But approximately two or three hours later, we received word of growing unrest inHerat from our comrades. New masses of rebels, trained in Pakistan and Iran, werereported to be preparing to enter Afghan territory. Approximately half an hour later, welearned that Comrade Taraki had summoned Gorelov and Alexeyev for a meeting. Heappealed for help from the Soviet Union, including military equipment, ammunition, andfood. Everything is listed in the documents that you have in front of you. Taraki alsomentioned in passing that they might need our assistance on the ground and in the air. Itmeans that they want us to send our troops, both ground and aviation.”Having uttered this last phrase, which caused everyone in the room to look upanxiously, the minister of foreign affairs felt compelled to add a comment: “I believe thatwhen thinking about providing assistance to this country, we should consider the fact that360

under no circumstances can we lose Afghanistan. We have been living in peace as goodneighbors for sixty years. If we lose Afghanistan now, it would mean a serious blow to ourpolitics.”The Politburo members grew quiet. They began to direct their attention to theminister of defense. Ustinov, his face ridden with tension, confirmed that the leadership ofAfghanistan was indeed concerned by the situation. The minister had spoken with GeneralGorelov several times and had a good sense of the situation. It seemed that the chiefmilitary adviser had done everything in his power to gain control of the situation, and ofthe demoralized Afghan servicemen. He launched the Il-28 bombers to Herat and orderedthe artillery units to fire upon the rebellious mob. But the situation was growing worse bythe hour. Yesterday the minister of defense, in a state of irritation, ordered Gorelov to armand mobilize the working class. The adviser attempted to object, saying, “I am not apolitician, I am a military man,” but Ustinov’s reply was uncompromisingly harsh, and leftthe general with little choice. One can only imagine what Gorelov thought about Ustinov atthat moment, knowing all too well that all the ideological platitudes about the Afghanworking class were nothing more than empty rhetoric.“Tomorrow morning, operative units will be sent from Kabul to Herat to fight therebels,” Ustinov told the quiet participants of the meeting. “We recommended thatComrade Taraki send several detachments to the region, but he said that it was not feasiblebecause of the volatile situation in other regions of the country. To make a long story short,they are expecting a widespread assault on the ground and in the air.”“And they expect us to strike the rebels?” asked Andropov incredulously.“Here, dear comrades, a key question arises. Whom will our troops fight, should we361

under no circumstances can we lose <strong>Afghanistan</strong>. We have been living in peace as goodneighbors for sixty years. If we lose <strong>Afghanistan</strong> now, it would mean a serious blow <strong>to</strong> ourpolitics.”<strong>The</strong> Politburo members grew quiet. <strong>The</strong>y began <strong>to</strong> direct their attention <strong>to</strong> theminister of defense. Ustinov, his face ridden with tension, confirmed that the leadership of<strong>Afghanistan</strong> was indeed concerned by the situation. <strong>The</strong> minister had spoken with GeneralGorelov several times and had a good sense of the situation. It seemed that the chiefmilitary adviser had done everything in his power <strong>to</strong> gain control of the situation, and ofthe demoralized Afghan servicemen. He launched the Il-28 bombers <strong>to</strong> Herat and orderedthe artillery units <strong>to</strong> fire upon the rebellious mob. But the situation was growing worse bythe hour. Yesterday the minister of defense, in a state of irritation, ordered Gorelov <strong>to</strong> armand mobilize the working class. <strong>The</strong> adviser attempted <strong>to</strong> object, saying, “I am not apolitician, I am a military man,” but Ustinov’s reply was uncompromisingly harsh, and leftthe general with little choice. One can only imagine what Gorelov thought about Ustinov atthat moment, knowing all <strong>to</strong>o well that all the ideological platitudes about the Afghanworking class were nothing more than empty rhe<strong>to</strong>ric.“Tomorrow morning, operative units will be sent from Kabul <strong>to</strong> Herat <strong>to</strong> fight therebels,” Ustinov <strong>to</strong>ld the quiet participants of the meeting. “We recommended thatComrade Taraki send several detachments <strong>to</strong> the region, but he said that it was not feasiblebecause of the volatile situation in other regions of the country. To make a long s<strong>to</strong>ry short,they are expecting a widespread assault on the ground and in the air.”“And they expect us <strong>to</strong> strike the rebels?” asked Andropov incredulously.“Here, dear comrades, a key question arises. Whom will our troops fight, should we361

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