The Road to Afghanistan - George Washington University
The Road to Afghanistan - George Washington University The Road to Afghanistan - George Washington University
Listening to Boris Nikolayevich, Bogdanov thought that the guest from Moscow hada difficult task ahead of him. Bogdanov himself was already aware that the Afghan leadersrefused flatly to discuss those topics. The theme of party unity had been closed for a longtime. Nobody had mentioned it since the middle of summer. Most of the Soviet operativesin Afghanistan tried not to irritate the Khalqis by such conversations. There was nothing tobe gained.Ponomaryov, who settled in the guest apartment in the embassy compound, wentfor a walk in the garden in the evening. Leonid Pavlovich joined him to introduce him to thepeculiarities of the situation.Walking along the alleys of fragrant rose bushes, the colonel was listing what he feltto be the most pressing issues. “The first issue is the obvious leftist bend of the Afghanleaders and their eagerness to immediately realize radical reforms while ignoring the localreality. In doing so, they set themselves politically against the majority of the population,creating scores of enemies for themselves. While agreeing in theory that it was necessary tohave allies across a broad range of the population, the reality was that Taraki and Aminwere only narrowing the social base of the revolution.” Bogdanov was particularlyconcerned about the mass repressions conducted against Parchamis, the clergy, andanyone who was suspected of disloyalty. There were reports of people who were shot onsight, without due process or a court hearing. Bogdanov added bitterly that thoseexecutions were being committed by Soviet-trained Afghan security operatives. “This iswhy Afghans may think that we are also involved in the repressions, that people are beingkilled with our approval, or even by direct orders.” This last argument was seriouslybothering the head of the KGB office in Afghanistan.230
The secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU listened to Bogdanov’s concernssilently before asking some insignificant questions. On the morning of September 26, hemet with Taraki and Amin and tactfully expressed Moscow’s concern. To emphasize theconfidential nature of those meetings, Ponomaryov conducted the meetings individuallywith the PDPA’s leaders. Not even the Soviet ambassador had been invited. Both Afghanleaders, who had been forewarned of the subject matter of these conversations, werenoticeably tense. It was obvious that they had difficulty restraining their objections. Atmore than one point, Taraki could not hold back.“We never trusted Parchamis,” he responded emotionally. “Our union was aformality. Parchamis did not participate in the military uprising. After the victory of therevolution they demanded that all of the leading positions in the government be dividedequally between Khalq and Parcham. Is this just? When we declined to satisfy theirdemands, they started to threaten us with an uprising. There was only one way out. It waseither us or them.”Taraki’s body language betrayed his contempt for the conversation. He slouched inhis chair with his legs crossed. His normally kind and welcoming face assumed a blankexpression, masking his disgust.Ponomaryov could consider his mission formally accomplished. He did what he hadbeen tasked to do. He handed the Afghan leaders gifts along with greetings from the SovietPolitburo and “Leonid Ilyich personally.” He chose not to meet with the Politburo membersof the PDPA, which they found offensive. However, in the evening he gathered a smallgroup of the upper echelon of the Soviet colony at the embassy, asking them to once again,“honestly and principally,” evaluate the situation. Everything went well at that meeting231
- Page 180 and 181: Bobrak?”This was the extent of th
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- Page 198 and 199: Amin interrupted him coldly: “I w
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- Page 202 and 203: should ask your colleagues to be mo
- Page 204 and 205: years earlier, he was offered a pos
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- Page 212 and 213: in Russian, “Do chego zhe mir tes
- Page 214 and 215: Starostin often would run into Frye
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- Page 226 and 227: As Surnin predicted, a CIA operativ
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- Page 238 and 239: one hand, there was truth to this s
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- Page 244 and 245: Kryuchkov remained silent, digestin
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- Page 248 and 249: Babrak Karmal looked extremely conc
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- Page 252 and 253: Preparations for the first state vi
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- Page 260 and 261: him as though considering their con
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- Page 264 and 265: with obvious Soviet participation w
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- Page 268 and 269: Once, the professor and the future
- Page 270 and 271: As soon as they entered Dvoryankov
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<strong>The</strong> secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU listened <strong>to</strong> Bogdanov’s concernssilently before asking some insignificant questions. On the morning of September 26, hemet with Taraki and Amin and tactfully expressed Moscow’s concern. To emphasize theconfidential nature of those meetings, Ponomaryov conducted the meetings individuallywith the PDPA’s leaders. Not even the Soviet ambassador had been invited. Both Afghanleaders, who had been forewarned of the subject matter of these conversations, werenoticeably tense. It was obvious that they had difficulty restraining their objections. Atmore than one point, Taraki could not hold back.“We never trusted Parchamis,” he responded emotionally. “Our union was aformality. Parchamis did not participate in the military uprising. After the vic<strong>to</strong>ry of therevolution they demanded that all of the leading positions in the government be dividedequally between Khalq and Parcham. Is this just? When we declined <strong>to</strong> satisfy theirdemands, they started <strong>to</strong> threaten us with an uprising. <strong>The</strong>re was only one way out. It waseither us or them.”Taraki’s body language betrayed his contempt for the conversation. He slouched inhis chair with his legs crossed. His normally kind and welcoming face assumed a blankexpression, masking his disgust.Ponomaryov could consider his mission formally accomplished. He did what he hadbeen tasked <strong>to</strong> do. He handed the Afghan leaders gifts along with greetings from the SovietPolitburo and “Leonid Ilyich personally.” He chose not <strong>to</strong> meet with the Politburo membersof the PDPA, which they found offensive. However, in the evening he gathered a smallgroup of the upper echelon of the Soviet colony at the embassy, asking them <strong>to</strong> once again,“honestly and principally,” evaluate the situation. Everything went well at that meeting231