The Road to Afghanistan - George Washington University
The Road to Afghanistan - George Washington University The Road to Afghanistan - George Washington University
as accomplices, received long-term prison sentences. It was during Daoud’s rule, not underthe PDPA leadership as some assert, that the exodus of Muslim fundamentalists fromAfghanistan began. Following another failed attempt to organize anti-government actions,a group of Muslim extremists including Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, Ahmed Shah Massoud, andothers left the country. At that time, very few people knew those young men. Later, afterthe Soviet military intervention, those exiles became leaders of powerful private armiesand influential politicians.At the time, Soviet diplomats and official guests from Moscow who visitedAfghanistan did not even attempt to conceal their pleasure regarding Daoud’s campaignagainst the Islamic reactionaries. In Moscow, certainty grew that the “Red Prince” (thenickname given to Daoud by some journalists), supported by young, pro-Soviet, Afghanpoliticians, and propped up by Soviet assistance, would be inclined to build, if not socialism,at least a society in which the Soviet Union’s Afghan friends would actually shape politicaldecisions. In other words, the chimera of the Sovietization of Afghanistan was born.In reality, Daoud’s plans were different. He had no intention of changing thefundamental foundation of society that had evolved over the course of many centuries. As atrue nationalist, he had a deep respect for tradition. His reforms were not to dismantle thepolitical system, but to improve it. In his foreign policy, Daoud strove to balance betweenthe superpowers and attempted to gain the maximum advantage for his country in theprocess. There was a popular joke in Kabul, “He uses Soviet matches to light Americancigarettes.” After Daoud managed to defeat radical Islamic groups and suppress theuprisings of ethnic minorities in the north of the country, he decided to get rid of his Sovietleaningministers, his former allies from the time of the coup.16
As a result, many members of the PDPA lost their ministerial and other highgovernment positions in 1974-1975. Some were sent abroad as ambassadors, while othersmerely became unemployed. The worst humiliation befell the active participants ofDaoud’s coup. The military pilot Abdul Qadir was removed from his position as thecommander of the air force and later received the degrading appointment of head of theAfghan army slaughterhouse. Soon after being demoted, Qadir began discussing a new,anti-Daoud coup d’etat with his close friends—officers. An Afghani man can tolerate andforgive a great deal, but not an assault on his dignity.The removal of the ministers—members of leftist organizations—bewilderedMoscow. Bureaucrats in the Soviet Communist Party’s Central Committee and the ForeignMinistry could only guess. It seemed that the International Department of the CentralCommittee had chosen the correct strategy towards the new Afghan regime. Sovietcomrades persistently urged leaders of both Khalq and Parcham, “to reduce theirrevolutionary ambitions and to support the progressive regime established in Afghanistanwith all means available to them.” The Soviet leaders did not want to question their ownstrategic vision, nor did they want to be disappointed in Daoud. Thus they decided not toget disappointed. Many of the high-ranking bureaucrats dealing with Soviet-Afghanrelations simply accepted Daoud’s rationale for replacing the high-level leftist cadres anddid not dwell too much on them. The explanation was that at that particular stage of theRepublican Revolution the country needed highly qualified managers rather than armyofficers trained only to shoot and march.At that time there were some young diplomats and intelligence operatives in Kabulwho were well informed about what was going on in Afghanistan. They knew that during17
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as accomplices, received long-term prison sentences. It was during Daoud’s rule, not underthe PDPA leadership as some assert, that the exodus of Muslim fundamentalists from<strong>Afghanistan</strong> began. Following another failed attempt <strong>to</strong> organize anti-government actions,a group of Muslim extremists including Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, Ahmed Shah Massoud, andothers left the country. At that time, very few people knew those young men. Later, afterthe Soviet military intervention, those exiles became leaders of powerful private armiesand influential politicians.At the time, Soviet diplomats and official guests from Moscow who visited<strong>Afghanistan</strong> did not even attempt <strong>to</strong> conceal their pleasure regarding Daoud’s campaignagainst the Islamic reactionaries. In Moscow, certainty grew that the “Red Prince” (thenickname given <strong>to</strong> Daoud by some journalists), supported by young, pro-Soviet, Afghanpoliticians, and propped up by Soviet assistance, would be inclined <strong>to</strong> build, if not socialism,at least a society in which the Soviet Union’s Afghan friends would actually shape politicaldecisions. In other words, the chimera of the Sovietization of <strong>Afghanistan</strong> was born.In reality, Daoud’s plans were different. He had no intention of changing thefundamental foundation of society that had evolved over the course of many centuries. As atrue nationalist, he had a deep respect for tradition. His reforms were not <strong>to</strong> dismantle thepolitical system, but <strong>to</strong> improve it. In his foreign policy, Daoud strove <strong>to</strong> balance betweenthe superpowers and attempted <strong>to</strong> gain the maximum advantage for his country in theprocess. <strong>The</strong>re was a popular joke in Kabul, “He uses Soviet matches <strong>to</strong> light Americancigarettes.” After Daoud managed <strong>to</strong> defeat radical Islamic groups and suppress theuprisings of ethnic minorities in the north of the country, he decided <strong>to</strong> get rid of his Sovietleaningministers, his former allies from the time of the coup.16