The Road to Afghanistan - George Washington University

The Road to Afghanistan - George Washington University The Road to Afghanistan - George Washington University

13.07.2015 Views

much to discuss.Ulyanovsky started from afar. It was obvious that he knew the Middle East very well. Hecited the dates of important historical events, the names of monarchs, their ministers, generals,and diplomats. He spoke about the national specifics (“More than twenty different peoples of fiveethnic groups live in this country”), he briefly touched upon the problem of the relationshipbetween the Pashtuns and other ethnic groups (“Pashtuns are the majority, and their position inAfghan society is generally considered to be a privileged one”). With great surprise, Zaplatindiscovered that there were lots of Soviet advisers in the Afghan armed forces (“Now there arearound three hundred Soviet military advisers there, if I am not mistaken, and the attitude ofAfghans to them is most positive”). For a long time, Ulyanovsky talked about the religious factor,particularly that of the extreme right wing of the Islamic clergy (“This is where the forthcomingdanger lies”). He told about the formation of the People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan in 1965.“Well, you are a general!” Ulyanovsky suddenly exclaimed. “How can one talk to a militaryman without using a map?” He took a map of Afghanistan from his bookshelf. The map was wornout, its margins filled with pencil marks. “Here—I will show you the future theater of your militaryactivities.”Without any difficulty, he identified the areas on the map in which the Pashtuns, Tajiks,Hazaras, Beluji, and Uzbeks were concentrated. He emphasized the fact that the central power inAfghanistan is traditionally weak, and that tribal authorities are the ones who make decisions.“But when external danger appears, all internal contradictions are forgotten, and the Afghans, as aunified force, fight against the enemy. This must be remembered.”Then they began to talk about party politics. Zaplatin felt more comfortable in this realm.The political clichés were very similar.142

The PDPA is the first party in the history of Afghanistan that reflects the interests of theworking class and all working people,” said Ulyanovsky. “The main goal of the revolution is toprovide a transfer of power from bureaucratic, trade, and land-owners’ circles to the new nationaldemocratic government, which represents the broader interests of the masses, including mid-leveland small national bourgeoisie. Perhaps you, as a political officer, would think of it as bizarre,strange, and almost a blasphemy, but the national bourgeoisie in such countries is capable ofplaying a progressive role. However, you will see for yourself when you start working that theparty pays a lot of attention to the participation of the working class in the revolutionarymovement. There are about 300,000 workers—proletarians—in the country, which is a significantforce.“As to the revolution that took place on April 27, it started with a bloodless state coupd’etat that was carried out by PDPA members. But political revolution in Afghanistan issimultaneously social. It cannot limit itself to the replacement of one ruling regime by another one,while preserving the main property rights. In this sense, our—and from now on your— friendswill have to do a lot of work. Very soon you will see for yourself how backwards this country is,how many problems must be resolved there.”He then proceeded to discuss the situation inside the PDPA, explaining the factionalconflicts and the difficulties that Soviet comrades had in prodding Afghan comrades towardsunification. He described the leaders: Taraki, Karmal, Amin.“From the outside, the current situation within the PDPA seems favorable. It has been ayear since the Khalqis and Parchamis stopped fighting each other, but regrettably,” RostislavAlexandrovich remarked with sadness, “in reality everything is much more complicated. I’m afraidthat now, once the euphoria from the quick victory passes, those contradictions will flare up with143

“<strong>The</strong> PDPA is the first party in the his<strong>to</strong>ry of <strong>Afghanistan</strong> that reflects the interests of theworking class and all working people,” said Ulyanovsky. “<strong>The</strong> main goal of the revolution is <strong>to</strong>provide a transfer of power from bureaucratic, trade, and land-owners’ circles <strong>to</strong> the new nationaldemocratic government, which represents the broader interests of the masses, including mid-leveland small national bourgeoisie. Perhaps you, as a political officer, would think of it as bizarre,strange, and almost a blasphemy, but the national bourgeoisie in such countries is capable ofplaying a progressive role. However, you will see for yourself when you start working that theparty pays a lot of attention <strong>to</strong> the participation of the working class in the revolutionarymovement. <strong>The</strong>re are about 300,000 workers—proletarians—in the country, which is a significantforce.“As <strong>to</strong> the revolution that <strong>to</strong>ok place on April 27, it started with a bloodless state coupd’etat that was carried out by PDPA members. But political revolution in <strong>Afghanistan</strong> issimultaneously social. It cannot limit itself <strong>to</strong> the replacement of one ruling regime by another one,while preserving the main property rights. In this sense, our—and from now on your— friendswill have <strong>to</strong> do a lot of work. Very soon you will see for yourself how backwards this country is,how many problems must be resolved there.”He then proceeded <strong>to</strong> discuss the situation inside the PDPA, explaining the factionalconflicts and the difficulties that Soviet comrades had in prodding Afghan comrades <strong>to</strong>wardsunification. He described the leaders: Taraki, Karmal, Amin.“From the outside, the current situation within the PDPA seems favorable. It has been ayear since the Khalqis and Parchamis s<strong>to</strong>pped fighting each other, but regrettably,” RostislavAlexandrovich remarked with sadness, “in reality everything is much more complicated. I’m afraidthat now, once the euphoria from the quick vic<strong>to</strong>ry passes, those contradictions will flare up with143

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