The Correspondence of MICHAEL FARADAY - IET Digital Library

TheCorrespondence ofMICHAEL FaradayVolume 3, 1841-1848Edited byFrank A J L JamesPublished by the Institution of Electrical Engineers

TheCorrespondence ofMICHAEL FARADAYVolume 3

Plate 1: Michael Faraday by Thomas Phillips. See letter 1339

TheCorrespondence ofMICHAEL FARADAYVolume 31841-December 1848Letters 1334-2145Edited byFrank A J L JamesPublished by the Institution of Electrical Engineers

Published by: The Institution of Electrical Engineers, London, United Kingdom© 1996; Selection and editorial material, The Institution of Electrical EngineersThis publication is copyright under the Berne Convention and the UniversalCopyright Convention. All rights reserved. Apart from any fair dealing for thepurposes of research or private study, or criticism or review, as permitted underthe Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, this publication may bereproduced, stored or transmitted, in any forms or by any means, only with theprior permission in writing of the publishers, or in the case of reprographicreproduction in accordance with the terms of licences issued by the CopyrightLicensing Agency. Inquiries concerning reproduction outside those terms shouldbe sent to the publishers at the undermentioned address:The Institution of Electrical Engineers,Michael Faraday House,Six Hills Way, Stevenage,Herts. SG1 2AY, United KingdomWhile the editor and the publishers believe that the information and guidancegiven in this work is correct, all parties must rely upon their own skill andjudgment when making use of it. Neither the editor nor the publishers assume anyliability to anyone for any loss or damage caused by any error or omission in thework, whether such error or omission is the result of negligence or any othercause. Any and all such liability is disclaimed.The moral right of the editor to be identified as editor of this work has beenasserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and PatentsAct 1988.British Library Cataloguing in Publication DataA CIP catalogue record for this bookis available from the British LibraryISBN 0 86341 250 5Printed in England by Short Run Press Ltd., Exeter

To Marie and Rupert Hall for showing me how

Plates1. Michael Faraday by Thomas Phillips. Dust jacket and frontispiece2. James South. 493. Charles Lyell. 2494. Jean-Baptiste-Andre Dumas. 2905. Justus Liebig. 2996. Photograph of John Frederic Daniell and Faraday, with aDaniell Constant Cell. 3367. William Thomson, age 22. 4048. Jane Marcet. 4339. Faraday giving his Friday Evening Discourse on23 January 1846, "Recent researches into the correlatedphenomena of magnetism and light". 46910. The Chemical Section of the British Association at the1846 meeting in Southampton. 55011. George Biddell Airy.12. John Barlow.617729

AcknowledgementsIt is with great pleasure and gratitude that I thank the Institution ofElectrical Engineers for the financial support without which the project tolocate, copy and edit all extant letters to and from Faraday would nothave been possible. Furthermore, I thank them for the support whichmade possible the publication of this volume. I am grateful to the RoyalInstitution for the provision of all the essential support they have givenfor this work and to my friends and colleagues there for their unceasingsupport and interest. It is also a pleasure to acknowledge the support ofthe British Academy for a grant to support specific aspects of the workfor this volume.I thank the following institutions and individuals for permission topublish the letters to and from Faraday which are in their possession: TheDirector of the Royal Institution (and for plates 3-6, 8 and 12); theInstitution of Electrical Engineers; the Elder Brethren of Trinity House forthe letters in the Guildhall Library; the Oeffentliche Bibliothek derUniversitat Basle; the Syndics of Cambridge University Library and, forthe letters in the archives of the Royal Greenwich Observatory, theDirector of the Royal Greenwich Observatory; the President and Councilof the Royal Society; the Trustees of the Wellcome Trust; the Master andFellows of Trinity College Cambridge; Smithsonian Institution Libraries,Washington; the British Library Manuscript Department; Mr W.A.F.Burdett-Coutts; the Bodleian Library, Oxford, Lady Fairfax-Lucy forletters deposited in the Somerville collection and the Earl of Lytton forthe letters deposited in the Lovelace-Byron collection; the Archives of theScience Museum Library, London; the Archives de l'Academie desSciences de Paris; the Librarian of the University of Bristol; the NationalArchives of Canada; Mrs Elizabeth M. Milton; Mrs J.M. and Jean Ferguson;the Bibliotheque Publique et Universitaire, Geneva; the AccademiaNazionale delle Scienze, Rome; the American Philosophical SocietyLibrary, Philadelphia; Whitby Literary and Philosophical Society;Academie Royale des Sciences, des Lettres et des Beaux-Arts deBelgique; the Archives, California Institute of Technology; the CollegeArchives, Imperial College of Science, Technology and Medicine, London;the National Library of New Zealand; the Queen's University of Belfast;

Massachusetts Historical Society; Liverpool Record Office; the HoughtonLibrary, Harvard University; the Hydrographic Office, Taunton; NationalResearch Council Canada; Buckinghamshire Record Office; the SutroLibrary, San Francisco; the Royal Military Academy, Sandhurst; JohnMurray, Ltd; the Edgar Fahs Smith Memorial Collection in the History ofChemistry, Van Pelt Library, University of Pennsylvania; the Handskriftsavdelningen,Uppsala Universitetsbibliotek; Heinz Archive and Library,National Portrait Gallery (and for plate 1); the Trustees of the BritishMuseum; the Sondersammlungen, Deutsches Museum, Munich; theGeological Society; Mr Tom Pasteur; Handskriftafdelingen, Det KongeligeBibliothek, Copenhagen; Edinburgh University Library; the Rare Booksand Manuscripts Division, New York Public Library; the Burndy Library,Massachusetts Institute of Technology; the Francis A. Countway Libraryof Medicine, Boston; the New-York Historical Society; the Director,Biblioteca Estense, Modena; the Historical Society of Pennsylvania; MrsElizabeth Faraday Baird; St Andrews University Library; the State Libraryof New South Wales; the Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences for the letterin the Stockholms Universitetsbibliotek; the Trustees of the NationalLibrary of Scotland; Special Collections and Archives, Knox CollegeLibrary, Galesburg; the Staats- und Universitatsbibliothek Hamburg; MsJan Reid; Lawes Agricultural Trust, Rothamsted Experimental Station; DrRoy G. Neville of the Roy G. Neville Historical Chemical Library, California;the President and Fellows of Magdalen College, Oxford; Mr Anthony F.P.Morson; University of London Library; the Director of Administration,University of London; Professor Dr Arno Muller; Herr Paul Heier; theLibrarian, Glasgow University Library; the Library, The Academy ofNatural Sciences of Philadelphia; the Spira Collection; UniversitatsbihekLeipzig; the President and Council of the Royal College of Surgeons ofEngland; the late Mr and Mrs S. Aida; the Handschriftenabteilung,Staatsbibliothek Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Berlin; the Sidney M.Edelstein Library, the Hebrew University, Jerusalem; the Syndics of theFitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge; Professor George W. Platzman; theMuseum Boerhaave, Leiden; the Peirpont Morgan Library, New York; theMaddison Collection, Templeman Library, University of Kent at Canterbury;Mr Roy Deeley; Mr D. Walker; the Rare Book and ManuscriptLibrary, Columbia University Library; the Corporation of London and theGreater London Record Office; the Society of Antiquaries of Newcastleupon Tyne for the letter in the Northumberland Record Office; the RoyalAstronomical Society (and for plates 3 and 11); the Council of the LinneanSociety of London; the Royal Society for the encouragement of Arts,Manufactures and Commerce; the British Museum (Natural History);Department of Geology, National Museum of Wales; St Bride PrintingLibrary; Strathclyde University Archives; Bayerische Staatsbibliothek;Oesterreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften Bibliothek; University of

Wales, Bangor. All Crown copyright material in the Public Record Office,the India Office Library and Records, and elsewhere is reproduced bypermission of the Controller of Her Majesty's Stationery Office.I wish to thank the staff of all the institutions listed above for helpingme locate the letters to and from Faraday in their possession and in mostcases providing me with photocopies and answering follow up questions.Particular thanks should go to Mrs Irena McCabe and her staff at theRoyal Institution, Mrs E.D.P. Symons and her staff at the Institution ofElectrical Engineers, Mrs Sheila Edwards and latterly Ms Mary Nixon andher staff at the Royal Society, Mr Adam Perkins of Cambridge UniversityLibrary and Dr Martin L. Levitt of the American Philosophical Society.Although the following institutions do not have any Faraday lettersin their archives which are published in this volume, I thank them foranswering queries concerning letters in this volume: the Athenaeum Club,Surrey Record Office, the Royal Society of Chemistry, Friends' House,University College, Royal Caledonian Schools, Royal Society of Edinburgh,Scottish Record Office, the Archives of the Institution of Civil Engineers,Scottish Record Office, Durham County Record Office, Lambeth PalaceLibrary, the Royal Archives Windsor, the Principal Registry of the FamilyDivision of the High Court (in Somerset House), the General RegisterOffice (in St Catherine's House) and last, but not least, the NationalRegister of Archives whose resources once again directed my attention tothe location of many letters.Many friends and colleagues have helped in locating letters and withqueries and I wish to thank the following particularly: Dr Mari E.W.Williams, Dr John Krige, Dr Shigeo Sugiyama and Mr Russell Warhurst fordoing the initial ground work of locating Faraday letters in Paris, Geneva,Japan, and the Royal Military Academy respectively. I thank Dr J.V. Field(for help with the Greek and Latin and for answering various art historicaland other queries), Mr J.B. Morrell (for help relating to the BritishAssociation), Dr M.B. Hall (for advice and information on the RoyalSociety), Mr Geoffrey King (who placed the almost the entire LondonSandemanian community on his genealogy programme thereby saving meto immense amount of tedious work in sorting out manually the relationsbetween individuals), Dr Willem Hackmann (for discussions on nineteenthcentury electricity), Herr Michael Barth (for translating the letterfrom German), Dr Larry J. Schaaf (for discussions on the history ofphotography), Professor W.H. Brock (for help with Liebig relatedqueries), Professor Michael Collie (for help with Elgin newspapers), DrMuriel Hall (for directing my attention to the sample of Faraday's heavyglass in Queen Anne's School, Caversham), Mr John Smyons (for helpwith obscure medical terms), Dr Allan Chapman (for discussions onnineteenth century astronomy), Mr John Thackray (for information onthe history of nineteenth century geology), Ms Marysia HermaszewskaXI

XI1(for translating the letter from the Spanish), Mrs Margaret Ray (for lettingme read her excellent dissertation on the Haswell Colliery explosion), DrF.J. Fitzpatrick (for help with indentifying some Latin quotations), DrPeter Nolte and Dr Ulf Bossel (for information about Schoenbein and hisfamily), Professor Ryan Tweney (for many discussions on Faraday'swork) and Professor David Knight (who acted as a court of last appeal formany of the obscurities occuring in this volume which are thus clearer).Furthermore, it is with great pleasure that 1 acknowledge the helpand hospitality I have received from many members of Faraday'sextended family. In particular, Mr Michael A. Faraday (for providing mewith additional information to that contained in his and the late DrJoseph E. Faraday's Faraday genealogy) and Miss Mary Barnard (whoprovided me with a detailed genealogy of the Barnard family whosetraditional business of gold and silversmithing she continues). I amgrateful to Mr Gerard Sandeman (the last remaining Elder of the Glasite /Sandemanian Church) who allowed me access to the nineteenth centuryrecords of the Sandemanian Church in London and also provided muchvaluable genealogical information. I also thank Mrs Isobel Blaikley andMrs Molly Spiro for ferreting out material from the rest of their family andfor introducing me to various members. These are too numerous tomention fully here, but in this volume I should particularly like to note thegenerosity of Mr Martin Conybeare in placing his album of Faraday letterson permanent loan in the Royal Institution.I thank Professor Geoffrey Cantor, Professor Peter Day, Dr SophieForgan and Dr David Gooding for their valuable advice and comments onthe introduction and for many stimulating discussions on Faraday.Professor Cantor also informed me of many additional places where Icould locate Faraday letters and generously shared much usefulinformation about members of the Sandemanian community in thenineteenth century which he gathered in the course of writing his bookon Faraday's religion.Last, but not least, I thank my wife, Joasia, who was again able totranslate the letters from the French and the Italian.

Editorial Procedure andAbbreviationsAll letters to and from Faraday which have been located in eithermanuscript or in printed form have been included in chronological orderof writing. The term letter has been broadly construed to include not onlyextracts from letters where only these have survived, but also reports onvarious matters which Faraday submitted to institutions or individuals.What has not been included are scientific papers written in the form of aletter, although letters which were deemed worthy of publication,subsequent to their writing, are included as are letters to journals,newspapers etc. Letters which exist only in printed paraphrase form havenot been included. Letters between members of Faraday's family, ofwhich there are relatively few, are included as a matter of course. Ofletters between other third parties only those which had a direct effect onFaraday's career or life are included. The large number of letters whichsimply say what an excellent lecturer, chemist, philosopher, man etcFaraday was, or the very few that are critical of him, are not included.The aim has been to reproduce, as accurately as the conventions oftypesetting will allow, the text of the letters as they were written. Theonly exceptions are that continuation words from one page to the nexthave not been transcribed and, as it proved impossible to render intoconsistent typeset form the various contractions with which Faraday andhis correspondents tended to terminate their letters, all the endings ofletters are spelt out in full irrespective of whether they were contractedor not. Crossings out have not been transcribed, although majoralterations are given in the notes.It should be stressed that the reliability of the texts of letters foundonly in printed form leaves a great deal to be desired as a comparison ofany letter in Bence Jones (1870a, b) with the original manuscript, where ithas been found, will reveal. The punctuation and spelling of lettersderived from printed sources has been retained.Members of the Society of Friends and those closely associated withthem had a strong aversion to using the names of the months (which theyregarded as pagan) in dating letters. Instead they numbered the months:

XIVthus, for example, 18 6mo 1844 should be read as 18 June 1844. The onlyother calendar difference reflects the fact that by the early nineteenthcentury all of Europe apart from the Russian Empire had adopted the newstyle calendar. In this volume only letter 1952 is dated in the old stylecalendar (by this time twelve days adrift from the new style) in use inRussia until 1917.Each letter commences with a heading which gives the letternumber, followed by the name of the writer and recipient, the date of theletter and its source. Following the main text endorsements and theaddress are always given. The postmark is only given when it is used todate a letter or to establish that the location of the writer was differentfrom that of the letter head.The following symbols are used in the text of the letters:[some text][word illegible][MS torn][sic][blank in MS]indicates that text has been interpolated.indicates that it has not been possible to read aparticular word (or words where indicated).indicates where part of the manuscript no longerexists (usually due to the seal of the letter beingplaced there) and that it has not been possible toreconstruct the text.reconstructs the text where the manuscript hasbeen torn.indicates that the peculiar spelling or grammar inthe text has been transcribed as it is in themanuscript. The use of this has been restricted asmuch as possible to rare cases. Hence, for example,Faraday's frequent spelling of "Herschell" is notfollowed by [sic].indicates where part of the text was deliberately leftblank.

XVThe following abbreviations are used in the texts of the letters:CECivil EngineersDCL Doctor of Civil Law [also given as LLD occasionally]DVDeo volente [God willing]FEFriday EveningFRSFellow of the Royal SocietyGCB Grand Cross of the BathHRH His/Her Royal HighnessMPMember of ParliamentMRIMember of the Royal InstitutionPGSPresident of the Geological SocietyPM Philosophical MagazineQED quod erat demonstrandum [which was to be proved]RARoyal ArtilleryRERoyal EngineersRIRoyal InstitutionRMRoyal Military [College]RNRoyal NavyRSRoyal SocietyUSUnited Services [Club]US(A) United States (of America)

XVIBritain did not decimalise its currency until 1971 and is still halfheartedlytrying to metricate its weights and measures, although inscientific and technical writings this latter has been largely completed.During the nineteenth century the main unit of currency was the pound(£) which was divided into twenty shillings (s) of twelve pennies (d) each.The penny was further sub-divided into a half and a quarter (called afarthing). A sum such as, for example, one pound, three shillings andsixpence could be written as 1-3-6 with or without the symbols for thecurrency values. Likewise two shillings and six pence could be written as2/6; this particular coin could be called half a crown. There was oneadditional unit of currency the guinea which was normally defined astwenty one shillings. There is no agreed figure by which the value ofmoney in the nineteenth century can be multiplied to provide anindication of what its value would be now and, as this is one of the morecontentious areas of economic history, no attempt will be made here toprovide such a figure.The following give conversion values for the units used in thecorrespondence as well as their value in modern units. For mass only theAvoirdupois system is given as that was most commonly used. But it isimportant to remember that both the Apothecaries' and Troy systemswere also used to measure mass and that units in all these systemsshared some of the same names, but different values. For conversionfigures for these latter (and also for other units not given here) seeConnor (1987), 358-60.TemperatureTo convert degrees Fahrenheit (F) to degrees Centigrade (C),subtract 32 and then multiply by 5/9.To convert degrees Reaumur (R) to degrees Centigrade (C),multiply by 1.25.Length1 inch (in or ") = 2.54 cm1 foot (ft or ') = 12 inches = 30.48 cm1 yard (yd) = 3 feet =91.44 cm1 mile = 1760 yards = 1.6 kmVolume1 cubic inch (ci) = 16.38 cc1 pint = .568 litres1 gallon = 8 pints = 4.54 litres

xviiMass1 grain (gr) = .065 gms1 ounce (oz) = 28.3 gms1 pound Ob) = 7000 grains16 ounces = .453 kg1 stone = 14 pounds = 6.3 kg1 hundredweight (cwt) = 112 pounds = 50.8 kg1 ton = 20 cwt = 1.02 tonnePower1 horse power = 746 kwThe NotesThe notes aim to identify, as far as has been possible, individuals, papersand books which are mentioned in the letters, and to explicate events towhich reference is made (where this is not evident from the letters). Incorrespondence writers when discussing individuals with titles usedthose titles, but as British biographical dictionaries use the family namethis is given, where necessary, in the notes.The biographical register identifies all those individuals who arementioned in three or more letters (in either text or notes). The registerprovides a brief biographical description of these individuals and anindication of where further information may be found. No furtheridentification of these individuals is given in the notes. Those who arementioned in one or two letters are identified in the notes. Whileinformation contained in the genealogies of various Sandemanian familieshas been invaluable, this information has been checked against thatavailable in the General Register Office (GRO) or Scottish Record Office(SRO). In these cases, and others, where the GRO or SRO is cited, the yearof death is given followed by the age at death. If this agrees withinformation derived from other sources, then the year of birth in given inpreference to the age.References in the notes refer mainly to the bibliography. However,the following abbreviations are used to cite sources of information in thenotes:ACADBAuDBBxBDPEAlumni CantabrigiensesAllgemeine Deutsche BiographieAustralian Dictionary of BiographyBoase Modern English Biography, volume xBryan Dictionary of Painters and Engravers

XV111CPComplete PeerageDABDictionary of American BiographyDBFDictionnaire de Biographie FrancaiseDBIDizionario Biografico degli ItalianiDBLDansk Biografisk LeksikonDCBDictionary of Canadian BiographyDHBSDictionnaire Historique et Biographique de la SuisseDNBDictionary of National Biography (if followed by anumber then it refers to that supplement; mp =missing person supplement)DNZBDictionary of New Zealand BiographyDQB Dictionary of Quaker Biography (typescript inFriends' House London and Haverford CollegePennsylvania)DSBDictionary of Scientific BiographyEUIEncyclopedia Universal IlustradaLUILessico Universale ItalianoNBLNorsk Biografisk LeksikonNBUNouvelle Biographie UniverselleNDBNeue Deutsche BiographieNNBWNieuw Nederlandsch Biografisch WoordenboekOBLOesterreichisches Biographisches LexikonPxPoggendorff Biographisch-LiterarischesHandworterbuch, volume xPODPost Office Directory (see below)RI MMGreenaway (1971-6). This is followed by date ofmeeting, volume and page number.SMOKSvenska Man och Kvinnor Biografisk UppsiagsbokReports of lectures and references to plays and poems are givenonly in the notes. References to the Gentlemens'Magazine and the AnnualRegister, as well the daily and weekly press are likewise given only in thenotes. The following directories are cited in the notes:Imperial CalendarLaw ListNavy ListPost Office Directory (POD)Citations to these directories, unless otherwise indicated, refer tothe edition of the year of the letter where the note occurs. All thesedirectories universally make the claim to contain up to date and completeinformation. This was frequently far from the case and this explainsapparent discrepancies which occur.

XIXFaraday's Diary. Being the various philosophical notes of experimentalinvestigation made by Michael Faraday, DCL, FRS, during the years 1820-1862 and bequeathed by him to the Royal Institution of Great Britain. Now, byorder of the Managers, printed and published for the first time, under theeditorial supervision of Thomas Martin, 7 volumes and index, London,1932-6 is cited as Faraday, Diary, date of entry, volume number andparagraph numbers, unless otherwise indicated.Faraday's "Experimental Researches in Electricity" are cited in thenormal way to the bibliography, but in this case the reference is followedby "ERE" and the series and paragraph numbers, unless otherwiseindicated.Manuscript abbreviationsThe following are used to cite manuscript sources where the primaryabbreviation is used twice or more. (NB Reference to material in privatepossession is always spelt out in full). These abbreviations are used inboth the letter headings and the notes:AC MSANSAPSAS MSBEMBL add MSBM DWAA MSBod MSBPUG MSBRAI ARBBROBrUL MSBuL, MITCITADM HSEUL MSFACLMGL MSGROGS MSAthenaeum Club ManuscriptAccademia Nazionale delle Scienze, RomeAmerican Philosophical SocietyAcademie des Sciences ManuscriptBiblioteca Estense, ModenaBritish Library additional ManuscriptBritish Museum Department of Western AsiaticAntiquities ManuscriptBodleian Library ManuscriptBibliotheque Publique et Universitaire de GeneveManuscriptBibliotheque royale Albert Ier, Academie royale deBelgiqueBuckinghamshire Record OfficeBristol University Library ManuscriptBurndy Library, Massachusetts Institute ofTechnologyCalifornia Institute of Technology ArchivesDeutsches Museum HandschriftEdinburgh University Library ManuscriptFrancis A. Countway Library of MedicineGuildhall Library ManuscriptGeneral Register Office (see above)Geological Society Manuscript

XXHKBC Handskriftafdelingen, Det Kongelige Bibliothek,Copenhagen;HLHUHoughton Library, Harvard UniversityHO MSHydrographic Office ManuscriptHSPHistorical Society of PennsylvaniaFDCFerdinand Dreer CollectionIC MSImperial College ManuscriptsCRoyal College of Chemistry papersLPLyon Playfair papersICE MSInstitution of Civil Engineers ManuscriptOCOriginal CommunicationsIEE MSInstitution of Electrical Engineers ManuscriptSCSpecial Collection2 David James Blaikley Collection3 S.P. Thompson CollectionIOLR MSIndia Office Library and Records ManuscriptJMAArchives of John Murray LtdLROLiverpool Record OfficeMHSMassachusetts Historical SocietyNACNational Archives of CanadaNLNZ MSNational Library of New Zealand ManuscriptNPGANational Portrait Gallery ArchivesNRCC ISTINational Research Council Canada Institute forScientific and Technology InformationNYHS MSNew-York Historical Society ManuscriptNYPLNew York Public LibraryPROPublic Record Office, KewADM 12Admiralty DigestBJ3Sabine papersFO610Passport registersHO43Home Office out lettersHO45Home Office registered papersLC6Records of LeveesSUPP5Ordnance establishment recordsWO44Ordnance Office in lettersWO45Ordnance Office registersWO46Ordnance Office out lettersQUB MSQueen's University Belfast ManuscriptRGORoyal Greenwich Observatory6 Airy papersRI MSRoyal Institution ManuscriptFlFaraday CollectionA-GLetters from FaradayH-KFaraday's portrait albums

XXIF4GGBGMHDJBRIRMAWO150RSMSRSAMSSI241APBuCertCMCMB90CHSMCPTRRThAD MSSLSMMSSROSuROTCC MSUB MS NSULCAdd MS 7342Add MS 7656UPCHOC MSUUEWWIHM MSFALFWLPS MSFaraday s notes of lecturesPapers of W.R. GroveGuard BookMinutes of General MeetingPapers of Humphry DavyPapers of John BarlowAdministrative papersRoyal Military AcademyRoyal Military Academy incoming lettersRoyal Society ManuscriptFaraday's Diploma bookArchived PapersBuckland PapersCertificate of Fellow ElectedCouncil Minutes (printed)Committee Minute BooksMinutes of Committee of papers, 1828-1852Herschel PapersMiscellaneous CorrespondenceManuscript of PhilTrans. papersReferees ReportsThorpe PapersRoyal Society of Arts ManuscriptSmithsonian Institution LibraryArchivesDibner CollectionSutro LibraryScience Museum Library ManuscriptScottish Record Office (see above)Surrey Record OfficeTrinity College Cambridge ManuscriptUniversitat Basle Manuscript Nachlass SchoenbeinUniversity Library CambridgeThomson PapersStokes PapersUniversity of PennsylvaniaCenter for History of Chemistry ManuscriptUppsala University HandskriftsavdelningenErik Waller's Collection of AutographsWellcome Institute for the History of MedicineManuscriptFaraday autograph letter fileWhitby Literary and Philosophical SocietyManuscript

Note on SourcesIn the British Library there is a set of six letters (BL add MS 46404, f.3-9)written by Angela Georgina Burdett Coutts between 1846 and 1848 whichare catalogued, albeit with a query, as being to Faraday. These letterswere clearly written in a Royal Institution context. However, there is noevidence from any of the letters published in this volume that theseBritish Library letters were to Faraday and they have thus been omitted.

Trinity House ArchiveIn 1836 Faraday was appointed "Scientific adviser to this Corporation [ofTrinity House] in experiments on Light" 1 , a post that he held until 1865.The Elder Brethren of Trinity House have been responsible since 1514 forsafe navigation round the shores of England and Wales and are thus incharge of lighthouses, buoys and pilotage. It was known through variousnineteenth century biographies of Faraday that he had undertaken aconsiderable amount of work for the Corporation. Until recently it wasthought that the "nineteen large portfolios full of manuscripts" 2 relatingto his work for Trinity House and presented to them by Sarah Faraday in1867 3 , had been destroyed by bombing during the 1939-1945 war 4 .However, on the transfer of the Trinity House archive to the GuildhallLibrary and its cataloguing and opening in April 1994, it was found thatthe majority of Faraday's papers had survived and now form GL MS30108.In all Faraday created 150 files in the course of his work for TrinityHouse, though files 1-22, dealing with his work in the late 1830s have notbeen found. In the files that have survived are more than 500 lettersbetween Faraday and Trinity House together with notes made by Faradayon the matters dealt with by the files. Some indication of his work for theCorporation between 1836 and 1840 can be gained from copies (made byTrinity House) of fourteen letters written by Faraday during this period .These letters, which should have been included in volume two, will bepublished in the addenda in the final volume.According to Bence Jones, who had access to the whole collection,Faraday's first tasks for Trinity House in 1836 were to construct aphotometer and experiment on the preparation of oxygen 6 . In 1837 and1838 he was mainly concerned with comparing different types of lamps 7 .Bence Jones does not discuss what occupied Faraday's attention during1839 and 1840 8 , but it is clear from the letters in the Trinity House archivethat Faraday worked on the optical adjustment of lighthouse lenses 9 .The Corporation was and is run by the Deputy Master 10 and by theElder Brethren who are mostly, though not exclusively, drawn from themerchant navy. Most of the correspondence between Faraday and TrinityHouse was handled by the Secretary, who for the period covered by this

XXVIvolume, was Jacob Herbert. Herbert received instructions from theDeputy Master and Elder Brethren through a number of committeeswithin the Corporation made up by various combinations of ElderBrethren 11 . The Committee for Lights, which was responsible forlighthouses and beacons, was the committee most closely connectedwith Faraday's work. But Faraday's advice also concerned the Court (thegoverning body of the Corporation), the By Board (which removedvarious mundane administrative tasks from the direct consideration ofthe Court) and the Committee of Wardens (which was responsible forfinancial matters). Unfortunately, the minutes of the Committee for Lightswere destroyed by bombing 12 . However, the minutes of the Court, ByBoard and Committee of Wardens have survived and give a goodindication of how Faraday's advice was received and acted upon byTrinity House.Faraday's papers in the archive and the administrative records ofTrinity House show the crucial role that Faraday played in thedevelopment of the lighthouse service in the middle third of thenineteenth century. This is already apparent in the letters published inthis volume, but will become even more so in later volumes 13 .1. Herbert to Faraday, 5 February 1836, letter 885, volume 2.2. Thompson (1898), 68.3. See Trinity House By Board Minutes, 1, 8, 24 October 1867, GL MS 30010/46, pp.275-6,281, 358 respectively. See also Bence Jones (1870a), 2: 91.4. See, for instance, Cantor et al. (1991), 42.5. These letters are in a bound volume which forms GL MS 30108A/1.6. See also Bence Jones (1870a), 2: 87.7. Ibid.8. Ibid, 99.9. See also Gladstone (1874), 135.10. In the period covered by this volume this position was occupied by John Henry Pelly.The Master was the Duke of Wellington.11. Arrow (1868), 18-26 contains a useful discussion of the committee structure of theCorporation.12. The minutes of this committee commence in 1941 with volume 102. GL MS 30076/102.13. For brief overviews of Faraday's role in Trinity House see Frank A.J.L. James, "The manwho cast a new light on science", New Scientist, 17 September 1994, pp.45-6 and "TrinityHouse move unearths major cache of Faraday letters", 1EE News, 1 December 1994, p.2.

IntroductionThe 812 letters in this volume, of which nearly three quarters arepublished for the first time, reflect both change and continuity inFaraday's life from 1841 to 1848, that is between the ages of 49 and 57.Faraday continued to be a member of the Sandemanian Church and towork for the Royal Institution, but his role changed in both institutions.The consequences of the illness which he had suffered in 1839 remainedwith him during the whole of the 1840s. In his science, the quantity of hisoriginal research was markedly lower between 1841 and 1844 comparedto what it had been in the 1830s. Yet following his discoveries of themagneto-optical effect and of diamagnetism in late 1845, he was able toresume his scientific investigations with almost as much energy as he haddisplayed in the previous decade. He continued working for the state andits agencies, including the East India Company. He may have evendevoted more time to this, especially in the early 1840s, than he hadspent during the 1830s. Among other activities he conducted the inquiryinto the Haswell Colliery explosion for the Home Office, and continued toprovide a great deal of scientific advice to Trinity House.Although there appears to be a slight increase in the averagenumber of letters per year from 90 in volume two to 101 in this volume,this statistic hides a wide variation in the number of letters written eachyear which are given below:1841 1842 1843 1844 1845 1846 1847 184845 79 86 123 148 129 102 100Far fewer letters than the average were written in the early part ofthe period, far more than the average in the middle and about average atthe end. This distribution reflects quite accurately the state of Faraday'sscientific activities during these years and also suggests that theproportion of letters that have survived might be roughly constant overthe years.Most of Faraday's major correspondents during the 1830smaintained their exchange of letters with him throughout the 1840s .Only a few ceased corresponding with him or drastically reduced the

XXV111number of letters they wrote 2 . Furthermore, John Gage 3 , Jons JacobBerzelius, Percy Drummond 4 and John Frederic Daniell (with whomFaraday seldom exchanged letters because of their close geographicalproximity) were perhaps the only major correspondents Faraday lost onaccount of their deaths. These losses were compensated for by a numberof new additions to Faraday's circle of correspondents. They include theIrish chemist Thomas Andrews, the Governor General of Canada CharlesBagot (over the appointment of the Professor of Chemistry at Toronto),the chemist Lyon Playfair, the geologist Gideon Algernon Mantell, theengineer James Nasmyth, the metallurgist John Percy, the physicist JuliusPliicker and the very young natural philosopher William Thomson.Faraday also resumed correspondence with John Frederick WilliamHerschel who had spent most of the 1830s at the Cape of Good Hope.By any indicator, whether of lectures delivered, letters written orpapers published, Faraday's scientific work declined sharply during thefirst half of the 1840s compared to what it had been in the 1830s. Nodoubt the after effects of the illness which he had suffered in late 1839 5played a major role in this decline. For instance at the end of 1840 theManagers of the Royal Institution resolved that Faraday should considerhimself "totally exonerated from all duties connected with the RoyalInstitution till his health should be completely re-established" 6 . AlthoughFaraday attended the following meeting of the Managers 7 , it is clear fromhis letters that his health was never really "completely re-established". Aglance at the index under "Faraday, Health of" reveal the large number ofreferences in this volume to the state of his memory, his giddiness andother illnesses. Faraday's loss of memory was not simply a matter ofperception along the lines that 'Faraday's bad memory is my goodmemory', but a genuine loss. This loss is evinced, for example, by hisconfusing Manchester and Birmingham 8 and by forgetting that he hadreceived a letter from Moritz Hermann Jacobi and, indeed, had sent it tothe Royal Society 9 . Caroline Fox 10 noted in her diary on 30 May 1842,following a conversation with Richard Owen, that "Faraday is better, butgreatly annoyed by his change of memory. He remembers distinctlythings that happened long ago, but the details of present life his friends'Christian names, &c, he forgets" 11 .Though Faraday was able to continue performing manyadministrative functions for the Royal Institution, particularly in hiscapacity as Superintendent of the House, other duties were transferredelsewhere and Faraday considerably slackened off his lecturingthere. He gave no Friday Evening Discourses in 1841, two in 1842, threein 1843, two in 1844 before returning to a pattern similar to that ofthe 1830s of delivering three or four Discourses each year. He gavethe Christmas lectures in 1841-2 and again in 1843-4, a series of eightlectures on electricity after Easter 1843 and a series on heat after

XXIXEaster 1844. To put it slightly differently Faraday at most only gavetwo lectures in the Royal Institution in 1841. His illness seems not onlyto have prevented him giving his accustomed number of lectures,but even extended to preventing him from taking part in the formalitythat had grown up around the Discourses. In its report on JohnBarlow's Discourse on 13 May 1842 the Literary Gazette concluded "Werejoiced to see Faraday once again occupying his old place on theend of the bench to the right of the illustrator" 12 .The position of Secretary to the committee for the ''Weekly EveningMeetings" passed at some point from Faraday to Barlow 13 . In 1843 Barlowalso took over as Secretary of the Royal Institution following EdmundRobert Daniell's resignation 14 . During his period as Secretary, whichlasted until 1860, Barlow was one of the dominant figures in the RoyalInstitution. Not only did he run the lecture programme, but wasinstrumental in electing Prince Albert to membership of the RoyalInstitution 15 and in exposing the fraud of the Assistant Secretary, JosephFincher, in 1846 16 . Faraday from the mid 1840s onwards was able to helpBarlow run the Royal Institution. Thus he played a crucial role in 1848 inthe appointment of a fellow Sandemanian, Benjamin Vincent, as Fincher'sreplacement 17 . Faraday secured the agreement of eminent men ofscience, such as Whewell, to give Friday Evening Discourses 18 . He wasalso instrumental in securing the election of ladies to membership of theRoyal Institution through his support of Burdett Coutts and the Duchessof Northumberland 19 , though it was not until the following year thatladies were allowed in the lecture theatre on the same basis asgentlemen 20 . From such examples throughout this volume, it is apparentthat Barlow and Faraday had a good working relationship and betweenthem were responsible for the day to day running of the Royal Institution.But by 1845, Faraday believed that the Royal Institution could continuewithout him if necessary 21 .Though the state of his health contributed to the reduction of hisactivities at the Royal Institution, it did not prevent him from continuingto discharge his duties as one of the three Elders of the SandemanianChurch in London. Few letters in this volume shed light on Faraday'sactivities as an Elder, a position he held from 1840 22 to 1844. The onlyletter in this period which deals with religion is to his sister in law JaneBarnard written from Switzerland in 1841 23 . But this lack of evidenceshould not disguise the fact that Faraday would have undoubtedlyattended Church every Sunday (when in London) and preached therefrequently. Furthermore, his 1842 visit to Newcastle, a city with a strongSandemanian congregation, was possibly undertaken as part of hisduties 24 . Even the most serious event that could befall a Sandemanian, hisExclusion (for reasons that are not clear) from the Church between 31March and 5 May 1844, draws only two references in his letters 25 . Though

XXXFaraday was soon readmitted as a member, he did not return to the postof Elder until 1860.Though death did not deprive Faraday of many of his correspondentsduring the 1840s, it did take many close members of his family,most of whom were also members of the Sandemanian Church. His sistersin law, Jane Barnard and Mary Reid 26 , died in 1842 and 1845 respectively,while his mother in law, Mary Barnard 27 , and his elder sister, ElizabethGray 28 , both died in 1847. But most distressing for Faraday was the death,on 13 August 1846, of his brother, Robert, following a carriage accidenttwo days earlier 29 .While some of Faraday's biblical references and discussion ofreligion in this volume occur in letters relating to the deaths of hisrelations 30 , most occur in letters written after his exclusion from andreadmission to the Sandemanian Church. This includes his well knownletter to Ada Lovelace in October 1844 in which he asserted 'There is nophilosophy in my religion[.] I am of a very small & despised sect ofChristians known, if known at all, as Sandemanians and our hope isfounded on the faith that is in Christ" 31 . Faraday's statement that "Thereis no philosophy in my religion" is misleading since it could be taken toimply that Faraday separated his science and religion into unconnectedcompartments. Yet in a lecture in 1846 Faraday told an audience at theRoyal Institution that the properties of matter "depend upon the powerwith which the Creator has gifted such matter" 32 ; religion did indeed playa crucial role in Faraday's natural philosophy, that is his science 33 .Neither his Eldership nor his health prevented Faraday fromundertaking a considerable number of commissions for the state andits agencies. In this area of Faraday's life there were also strong elementsof continuity and change. For instance he continued to give his chemistrylectures to the cadets at the Royal Military Academy at Woolwich. Butwhereas in the 1830s he seems to have accepted most of the tasks thatthe state had asked him to do, in the 1840s he felt that he could nowchoose what he would or would not undertake. Thus in 1844 he refused todo some work for the Hydrographic Office 34 , while in 1847 he refused veryfirmly in a letter to the First Lord of the Admiralty, Lord Auckland, tocarry out research on disinfectants for the Admiralty 35 . Nevertheless, thestate's own experts acknowledged Faraday's value; as the AstronomerRoyal, George Biddell Airy, put it: "We trouble you as a universal refereeor character-counsel on all matters of science" 36 . Despite the fact thatFaraday, on occasion, was willing to turn downs commissions from thestate, the letters published in this volume are testimony to the quantityand range of scientific advice that Faraday willingly gave to the state andits agencies during the 1840s 37 .Two of the most significant pieces of work that Faraday did for thegovernment was in conducting two inquiries in 1843 and 1844. These

XXXIwere into the explosions at the Waltham Abbey gunpowder factory and atHaswell Colliery. The gunpowder factory, run by the Ordnance Office, wasdestroyed on 13 April 1843. Faraday, who was employed by the Office atthe Royal Military Academy, was asked to report on its cause. Thisappears to have been an internal Ordnance Office inquiry. Faraday sent inhis report, published here 38 , on 20 June 1843, but it is not clear whataction, if any, was taken subsequently 39 .No such cosy arrangement was possible with the inquiry into theexplosion at Haswell Colliery carried out by Faraday, Charles Lyell andSamuel Stutchbury 40 . On the afternoon of Saturday 28 September 1844 anexplosion occurred in Haswell Colliery in the Durham coalfield whichresulted in the deaths of 95 men and boys, the youngest being three boysaged ten. The inquest was convened by the Durham coroner, ThomasChristopher Maynard, at the Railway Tavern in Haswell on 30 September.The well known Chartist, trade union leader and lawyer William ProwtingRoberts represented the families of the deceased. Roberts, who had beenactive in the miners strike in the Northumberland and Durham coalfieldswhich had lasted from April to August 1844, was described by FriedrichEngels 41 as "a terror to the mine owners" 42 .It was expected that the inquest would follow the standard patternwith the jury of farmers and shopkeepers, who were closely connectedwith the mineowners, returning verdicts of accidental death and thusexonerating the mineowners from any responsibility. Although this wasindeed the outcome, two factors forced the inquest away from such astraightforward path. First, Haswell Colliery was a relatively new minehaving opened in 1835 and was widely regarded as safe. If such a disastercould occur here what about other mines which de facto were consideredless safe? 43 . Second, the strike in the coalfield had come to an end only amonth or so before the explosion at Haswell. These two factors gaveRoberts sufficient leverage to upset the routine of the inquest.At the end of the first day, Roberts applied for an adjournment sothat the mine could be inspected by a viewer on behalf of the bereavedfamilies 44 ). When this was declined, he made a further application foradjournment so that representatives of the government could be sent toobserve the proceedings 45 . This also was refused by the coroner.However, at the end of the third day the inquest was adjourned so thattwo mine viewers could inspect the mine. Taking advantage of thisbreak, Roberts travelled to London and thence to Brighton where hepetitioned the Tory Prime Minister Robert Peel 47 that governmentrepresentatives be sent to the inquest. This request was based on therecommendation of the 1835 report of the Commons Committee intomining disasters which suggested that the Home Secretary shouldappoint suitable experts to assist the coroner and jury at the inquestsinto fatal mining explosions 48 . Peel assented to Roberts's request and

XXX11initially suggested that Faraday and Charles Babbage be appointed 49 . Thepermanent Secretary of the Home Office, Samuel March Phillipps, visitedBabbage on Sunday 6 October, but Babbage evidently declined and laterwrote to Phillipps suggesting Lyell. On the seventh, Phillipps, aftershowing Babbage's letter to Peel, called on Lyell who after somepersuasion agreed to attend the inquest 50 . Presumably Phillipps alsocalled on Faraday, though there is no evidence for this.According to Lyell's recollection, over twenty years later, Faradayaccepted the task with considerable reluctance 51 . Although there is nocontemporary evidence for this reluctance, it would not have been toosurprising in view of the state of his health and his recent return from anarduous trip to York (where he had attended the meeting of the BritishAssociation at the end of September). However, by Monday 7 October,Faraday had agreed to the commission. On that day Phillipps wrote tothem jointly expressing the satisfaction of the Home Secretary, JamesGraham, that they had agreed to go 52 . He also enclosed a copy of theletter he had written to Maynard outlining the reasons for their attendingthe inquest 53 . In this letter Phillipps more than somewhat anticipated theoutcome of the inquest by referring to the explosion as an "accident".Furthermore, he made it clear to Maynard that one of the functions of thepresence of Faraday and Lyell was to ensure that the "verdict would bedelivered under the best possible recommendation and with the highestsanction".On Tuesday 8 October Faraday and Lyell travelled by train toHaswell and were joined by Stutchbury, who was a mine viewer from theDuchy of Cornwall. Stutchbury's presence was due to Lyell's insistencethat he and Faraday must have a practical man to help them with theirwork 54 . After the week long adjournment, the inquest resumed on 9October with Faraday and Lyell present. Maynard announced thatFaraday and Lyell "had been sent down by the government to assist inthe investigation" 55 . Lyell, who had originally trained as a lawyer, laterrecounted that "Faraday began, after a few minutes, being seated next thecoroner, to cross-examine the witnesses with as much tact, skill, and selfpossessionas if he had been an old practitioner at the Bar" 56 . Thisrecollection is supported by contemporary accounts of the inquest whereFaraday, and to a lesser extent Lyell, played a major role in theproceedings 57 . On 10 October Faraday, Lyell and Stutchbury spent sevenor eight hours examining the mine. There they investigated the air flow inthe mine and identified some laxity in the safety procedures. Thus, muchto his consternation, Faraday found that he was sitting on a bag ofgunpowder while a naked candle was in use: "He sprung up on his feet,and, in a most animated and expressive style, expostulated with them fortheir carelessness" 58 .On the final day of the inquest Stutchbury gave his account of the

xxxiiiprevious day's visit to the mine 59 . This was enough for the jury to say thatthey had heard sufficient evidence for them to come to a verdict. Afterretiring for ten minutes the jury returned verdicts of accidental deathwhich Faraday noted with the comment "fully agree with them" 60 .Faraday and Lyell expressed this view in their initial report to Phillipps 61 .After generously contributing to the subscription fund for the widowsand orphans 62 , Faraday and Lyell returned to London the following day,Saturday 12 October. By agreeing immediately to Roberts's request toappoint experts to attend the Haswell inquest, Peel was able to silenceany potential trade union opposition to the coroner's verdict; thegovernment had, after all, done what Roberts had requested. This pointwas made explicitly by Graham in a letter to Lord Londonderry 63 : "Mr.Roberts cannot urge a single complaint against the impartiality andprocess of this investigation. The most able and scientific Assistantsaided the Coroner and his Jury in this Enquiry" 64 . There the matter mighthave rested, except that in their letter to Phillipps, Faraday and Lyell saidthey would draw up a report dealing the cause of such accidents.While they were writing this report, it became apparent that thepossibilities of using legislation to improve safety were severely limited.On 19 October 1844 Lyell reported a conversation with Francis Baring,who had been Chancellor of the Exchequer in the Whig government from1839 to 1841, in which he had expressed his horror at legislativeinterference in the mining industry 65 . Nevertheless, on 21 October 1844,Faraday and Lyell submitted their report. The government initiallyreacted favourably to the report which they published as a pamphlet 66and distributed widely 67 . The report made a number of recommendationsand contained the novel observation that coal dust had played a majorrole in the explosion 68 . The recommendations were mainly concernedwith fire damp (methane) and included the suggestion that the fire dampshould be drawn away from the mine by specially made conduits 69 . Theyalso recommended, and this seems to be Lyell's contribution to thereport, that miners should be better educated 70By March 1845 following the publication of the unfavourablereactions of the mineowners to Faraday and Lyell's report, in which, forinstance, they claimed it would cost £21,000 to ventilate the mineaccording to the methods suggested by Lyell and Faraday 71 , thegovernment was asked in Parliament whether it was intended toimplement the recommendations contained in the report 72 . Thegovernment initially played for time and asked Faraday and Lyell fortheir response to the mineowners. They commented that ventilation suchas they proposed would cost about S136 73 .The government clearly wished to avoid explicitly answering thequestion about the implementation of the report. To have supported themineowners by rejecting the report would have antagonised a

XXXIVconsiderable section of public opinion concerned about conditions in themines. To have supported the miners would have annoyed themineowners, such as Londonderry, who carried considerable politicalweight within Parliament 74 . The result was a piece of finesse by thegovernment who tabled the report in the House of Commons onThursday 17 April 1845 75 during the debate on second reading of thehighly contentious Maynooth Endowment Bill 76 . This manoeuvre ensuredthat no further notice was paid to the contents of the report, includingthe discovery that coal dust was an explosive agent, which wasrediscovered later in the century 77 . Whatever the rights and wrongs ofthis complex story, its ending did not bear out the hopes of Roberts,though Engels was unaware of this 78 . Whether Faraday and Lyell wereaware of the political implications and manoeuvrings surrounding theirreport is not clear. However, they appear not to have held any grievanceagainst Peel for they both presented him with copies of their next majorpublications with suitably flattering letters 79 .As with his direct work for government departments, the state ofFaraday's health did not prevent him from continuing to provideextensive advice to Trinity House 80 . Some of this entailed analysingwater from various lighthouses 81 . Less mundanely, Faraday considered aproposal to use electricity to light buoys, but dismissed this proposal asimpractical 82 . However, during the 1840s most of Faraday's efforts forTrinity House were directed towards the problem of ventilation. Hecommenced investigating this in February 1841 following his visit to StCatherine's Lighthouse on the Isle of Wight. The problem facing Faradaywas how to remove from the lighthouse lanthorn the products ofcombustion that condensed on the outer glass which thus reduced theamount of light emitted. Faraday worked on developing a chimney whichwould carry away these products without at the same time interferingwith the light emitted by the flame. He had a chimney installed in StCatherine's Lighthouse which, judging by the graphic descriptionprovided by the keeper two years later, proved very successful. ButFaraday realised that there were other sources of moisture in thelighthouse which he was also able to eliminate 85 . His continuedinvestigation of ventilation systems required him to visit the SouthForeland Lighthouse on the Kent coast on several occasions 86 . In thisprocess he developed a new design of chimney, which he made over, in1842, to his brother, Robert, who patented it the following year 87 ; the onlyinvention of Faraday's to be patented. This chimney was quite successfuland it was installed in buildings other than lighthouses including theAthenaeum 88 and Buckingham Palace where, as the Times noted,Faraday's lamp illuminated Princess Helena's christening 89 .The tasks that Faraday undertook for the state reduced, as he wasperfectly well aware, the amount of time he could devote to research.

XXXVThis was a point he made explicitly to Francis Beaufort in 1844: "I havebeen so long delayed from my own researches by investigations &inquiries not my own that I must now resume the former" 90 . During theearly 1840s Faraday was clearly capable of working, but not on science.Since Faraday was able to work and yet produce little original research,this suggests that he did not have a strategy by which he could pursuehis scientific work.By the end of the 1830s, Faraday had completed the researchprogramme that he had set out in his 1822 Notebook 91 . He knew thathe wanted to make magnetism a universal force of nature rather thanone specific to two substances (iron and nickel) and he wanted todevelop and sustain experimentally an alternative theory of matterto Daltonian atoms 92 . In 1840 he did not know how he would solvethese problems, and indeed throughout the first half of the 1840s heseems to have doubted if he would make any useful contribution toscience again 93 . This probably accounts for his bringing out the secondvolume of Experimental Researches in Electricity 94 in late 1844 95 . Thisvolume reprinted series 15 to 18 and about thirty of his other papersand thus lacks the coherence of volume one 96 . Since Faraday clearlybelieved that his scientific career was over, the production of sucha volume was an entirely appropriate thing to do. He did not then havea research strategy which would allow him to make the furtherscientific discoveries he wanted. Thus one could argue that Faradayallowed himself to undertake the work he did for the state becausehe did not know which path of scientific experimentation would leadto the results he desired. In this context it is significant that hiscomment to Beaufort in 1844 about wishing do research rather thanwork for the government 97 occurred just as he was beginning toresume sustained experimentation.Faraday's resumption of experimentation and the commencement offeeling his way towards resolving his problems in science began in aFriday Evening Discourse he gave on 20 January 1843 when he posed thefollowing paradox: In metals, space was a conductor of electricity,whereas it behaved as an insulator in non conductors 98 . This wasprecisely the question which Faraday proposed a year later in his FridayEvening Discourse of 19 January 1844 "A Speculation touching ElectricConduction and the Nature of Matter" which was quickly published in thePhilosophical Magazine". In both the Discourse and in the paper Faradayargued that the question could not be resolved in terms of Dalton'satomic theory. Instead he proposed point atoms where lines of forcewould meet. The physical properties of chemical elements would be theresult particular combinations of lines of force meeting at a point. Hecontinued his thoughts on the topic semi-privately the following month ina memorandum on "Matter" 100 .

XXXVIFaraday had thus made some progress with a theory of matter, butnot with the problem of raising magnetism to the status of a universalforce of nature. Indeed these two problems were now linked in Faraday'smind. The atoms that he had proposed must be structurally similar toeach other; it would therefore be peculiar if only iron and nickel evincedmagnetic properties. Thus during 1845 Faraday set about trying to obtainmagnetic effects from a wide range of materials, but he only succeededwith cobalt 101 . This work included cooling about forty materials to -166°Fto see if they became magnetic, but none did 102 . In June Faraday attendedthe annual meeting of the British Association in Cambridge where he metWilliam Thomson, just then coming of age, and who had earlier dismissedFaraday's approach to science. In March 1843 the eighteen year oldThomson noted "I have been reading Daniell's book & the account hegives of Faraday's researches. I have been very much disgusted with hisway of speaking of the phenomena, for his theory can be called nothingelse" 103 . However, it is evident from their letters that following theirmeeting in Cambridge that they got on very well 104 . In August 1845, a fewmonths after they had met, Thomson wrote asking Faraday what effect atransparent dielectric would have on polarised light 105 . Faraday repliedthat he had tried the experiment, but had found no result; referringThomson to the relevant publication he added that he proposed toreinvestigate the topic 106 .The opportunity to repeat these experiments occurred at the end ofAugust when he was asked by Trinity House to test four argand lamps 107 .By 30 August Faraday was using an argand lamp to repeat his experimentson passing light through electrolytes 108 . He continued his experimentsinto the beginning of September but with the same negative result 109 .However, in this set of experiments Faraday used a piece of heavy opticallead borate glass that he had made in the late 1820s . When he was nextin the laboratory, on 13 September, he decided to examine the effect of apowerful electro-magnet on polarised light through various media. Whenhe passed the light through the heavy glass he observed that its state ofpolarisation was changed: "thus magnetic force and light were proved tohave relation to each other" 111 . Faraday was fortunate in using a piece ofglass with a high lead content since this produced a high specificmagnetic rotation 112 . Thus Faraday's discovery of the magneto-opticaleffect was contingent on his earlier work in making optical glass and onhis work for Trinity House 113 .The transparent bodies which he found displayed this property hecalled "dimagnetics" 114 ) in analogy with dielectrics 1 . Faraday had madetwo discoveries. First that somehow light and magnetism were connectedand, second, that glass was susceptible to magnetic force. The latter wasof greater interest to him since he soon turned his attention to showingthat the glass was directly susceptible to magnetic force. He failed to find

xxxvnany effect on 6 October 116 . However, on 4 November when he hung thepiece of heavy glass between the poles of an electro-magnet, he observed,when he turned the magnet on that the glass aligned equatoriallybetween the poles: "I found I could affect it by the Magnetic forces andgive it position; thus touching dimagnetics by magnetic curves andobserving a property quite independent of light, by which also we mayprobably trace these forces into opaque and other bodies" 117 . Within aweek Faraday had taken full advantage of this discovery and had foundthat more than fifty substances were susceptible to magnetic force andexhibited the behaviour of either iron or heavy glass 118 ; however, gaseseluded him. It was in this context that Faraday introduced the term"magnetic field" into natural philosophy 119 , although he did not use it inhis correspondence until 1848 120 .Faraday realised very early on that with magneto-optics anddiamagnetism 121 he had made discoveries of fundamental physicalimportance. In his letter to Schoenbein where he gave a very briefaccount of his work he remarked on its significance: u You can hardlyimagine how I am struggling to exert my poetical ideas just now for thediscovery of analogies - & remote figures respecting the earth Sun & allsorts of things" 122 . The importance of this discovery merited Faradaypursuing a similar epistemological strategy to the one he had adopted in1822 for displaying the reality of his 1821 discovery of electro-magneticrotations 123 . In that case he distributed to several men of science 'pocket'electro-magnetic rotation devices that readily displayed the phenomenon.Though news of his discoveries of the magneto-optical effect anddiamagnetism quickly and widely spread 124 , these phenomena weresubjected to interpretations different from those proposed by Faraday 125 .But, his discoveries of 1845 required much more apparatus, which wasnot readily available, than electro-magnetic rotations had done. Faradaytackled this problem in two ways in 1846. First by sending out samples ofthe heavy glass to a number of savants throughout Europe 12 and,second, by inviting a small number of people into his basementlaboratory to view the magneto-optical experiments 127 and later thediamagnetic experiments 128 .By making magnetism a universal force of nature, Faraday hadplaced himself in a position to argue strongly for his view of the nature ofmatter. This he proceeded to do in his Friday Evening Discourse of 3 April1846 which included his "Thoughts on Ray-vibrations" 129 . Instead ofDaltonian atoms immersed in a luminiferous aether, Faraday proposedhis notion of points distributed throughout space where lines of forcemet as chemical atoms and where the vibrations of the lines of forceproduced light: "The view which I am so bold as to put forth considers,therefore, radiation as a high species of vibration in the lines of forcewhich are known to connect particles and also masses of matter together.

XXXV111It endeavours to dismiss the aether, but not the vibrations" 130 , InFaraday's view "The smallest atom of matter on the earth acts directly onthe smallest atom on matter in the sun" 131 . Such views, especially thosequestioning the existence of the aether, did not go unchallenged 132 andwere not accepted until after the period covered by this volume 133 .Another consequence of Faraday's discoveries was that he attractedthe attention of several mesmerisers. Following the publication of hiswork 134 , he received a number of letters which discussed mesmericphenomena in great detail. Thus John Battishill Parker explicitly linkedFaraday's discovery of diamagnetism with mesmerism: "On perusing the21st Series of the Philosophical Transactions containing your ExperimentalResearches on Electricity, I am delighted to think that you areapproaching to a solution of the true Theory of Mesmerism" 135 . Althoughthis is the only letter which makes the link explicit, it cannot be acoincidence that all but one 136 of these letters 1 were sent after thepublication of Faraday's work on diamagnetism. Walter White 138 noted inhis diary a conversation with Faraday on 14 March 1846 in which Faradaysaid that he was "not disposed to place faith in the magnetic experimentsof Reichenbach, and says that, as of mesmerism, so he cannot believe inthem until their law is found to be of invariable application, until they canmesmerise inorganic matter or a baby, who cannot be supposed to be aconfederate. He has lost much time in the enquiry without anysatisfactory results" 139 . Before then Faraday had not taken much interestin mesmerism 140 . The views he expressed to White on the subject coherewith his dismissive endorsement of "Mesmeric stuff" on Jane Jennings'sfirst letter to him 141 . However, it should be remembered that hepreserved these letters, but perhaps the reasons were the same asthose that prompted him to keep other letters which expressedheterodox views on physical and chemical subjects 142 .Despite the various problems which Faraday experienced during the1840s, he retained the respect and admiration of his peers, both inscience and in the service of the state. This was made clear throughnumerous letters and in frequent enquiries about health, in urgings not toovertax himself and in invitations to Levees 143 . Admiration for Faradaywas also made clear in two tangible actions by the scientific community,one public and the other fairly private. The first was his election in 1844(that is before his discoveries of the magneto-optical effect anddiamagnetism) as one of the eight associe etranger of the Academie desSciences in Paris. The vacancy had occurred following the death ofDalton. The campaign to replace him with Faraday was led by Dumas withthe support of Dominique Francois Jean Arago, Antoine-Cesar Becquereland Michel Eugene Chevreul and others. Dumas wrote to Faraday inDecember 1844 saying that he had been nominated, but that he was onthe second line of the ballot paper because the mathematicians wanted

XXXIXJacobi 144 . Nevertheless, Dumas's party prevailed and Faraday was electedby a substantial majority on 23 December 1844 145 .The other recognition of Faraday's talents was the attempt to electhim as the first President of the Royal Society after the reforms of 1847. Itwas well known that Faraday sympathised strongly with the reform groupin the Royal Society, though whether the strength and vehemence of hisviews were widely recognised is not clear 146 . Lyell, who had emerged asthe leading power broker in the election 147 , sought to persuade Faradayto become President in 1848 148 . Faraday clearly declined and Lord Rosse,as a sort of compromise between aristocracy and science 149 becamePresident. There is no explicit discussion of this episode in Faraday'scorrespondence, though the rather cryptic letters that he wrote toRobert Brown (another possible candidate) and Richard Phillips at aboutthe time Lyell approached him, may refer to the election 150 . Faraday'selection to the Academie des Sciences, the proposal to elect himPresident of the Royal Society and the many other academies andsocieties in Europe who made him one of their honorary members duringthe 1840s all testify to the continuing high esteem in which Faraday washeld by the European scientific community.Thus this volume closes on a high note in Faraday's career. Duringthe 1840s he had been able to develop a new research strategy. From hisposition in 1840, where he seemed unsure what to do next in science, hehad moved to discovering the magneto-optical effect and diamagnetismthus making magnetism a universal property of matter. Furthermore, henow had a research strategy that would keep him occupied into the1850s. In particular this would involve exploration of the field theory andwork on terrestrial magnetism foreshadowed by the closing paragraph ofseries 21 and in his "Speculation". Faraday's work in the 1840s hadincreased his reputation both amongst the scientific community and inthe wider community especially in the government and its agencies. Henever expressed surprise (presumably because of his religious beliefs) atthe way things had turned out for him during the decade, but thehistorian must nevertheless wonder if Faraday had ever felt it.1. For instance Faraday continued corresponding with George Biddell Airy, IsambardKingdom Brunei, Charles Babbage, John Barlow, Angela Georgina Burdett Coutts, Arthur-Auguste De La Rive, Jean-Baptiste-Andre Dumas, William Robert Grove, Friedrich WilhelmHeinrich Alexander von Humboldt, Augusta Ada Lovelace, Charles Manby, Carlo Matteucci,Roderick Impey Murchison, Samuel March Phillipps, Lambert-Adolphe-Jacques Quetelet,Christian Friedrich Schoenbein, James South and William Whewell.2. Examples of these include James David Forbes (only one letter in this volume), WilliamJerdan (one letter), John William Lubbock, Macedonio Melloni, Eilhard Mitscherlich, MarySomerville (two letters) William Henry Fox Talbot and William Wyon (one letter).3. John Gage (1786-1842, DNB under Rokewood). Director of the Society of Antiquaries,1829-1842. (Those discussed only in the introduction are identified in the notes here. Allother individuals are identified in the appropriate place in the Correspondence).

xl4. Percy Drummond (d.1843, age 65, GRO, Times, 3 January 1843, p.4, coi. f and 10 January1843, p.4, col. d). Lieutenant Governor of the Royal Military Academy.5. See Faraday to Shee, 3 December 1839, letter 1220, volume 2.6. RI MM, 7 December 1840, 9: 146.7. RI MM, 1 February 1841, 9: 148.8. Letter 1639.9. Letter 1952. For its fate see letters 2018 and 2019.10. Caroline Fox (1819-1871, DNB). Diarist from Falmouth.11. Pym (1882), 157.12. Lit.Gaz,, 28 May 1842, p.366. Quite when this custom (which continues to this day withpresent Directors of the Royal Institution) arose is not clear, but evidently Faraday musthave been absent for some time to draw such a comment.13. This issue was considered at RI MM, 1 November 1841, 9: 190 but the outcome was notnoted in the minutes. But see letter 1376 where Faraday described Barlow as "Secretary forthe Evenings". By 1843 Faraday had come off the Lecture Committee entirely. Letter 1506.14. RI MM, 7 November 1842, 9: 230-1 and 6 March 1843, 9: 248. Danieli resigned because hehad to leave London following his appointment as a Bankruptcy Commissioner in thecountry.15. Letter 1509.16. See Forgan (1977), 72-84 on this.17. Letters 2080 and 2081.18. Letter 2118.19. Letters 1950 and 1958.20. Letter 2048.21. Letter 1772.22. See Faraday to Buchanan, 28 October 1840, letter 1321, volume 2.23. Letter 1359.24. Letters 1414, 1416 and 1417.25. Letters 1575 and 1609. On Faraday's Exclusion, and that of about a fifth of the Londoncongregation, see Cantor (1989) and Cantor (1991), 61-3, 275.26. Letter 1786.27. Letter 1949.28. Letter 2046.29. Letters 1902 and 1907. See Morning Post, 13 August 1846, p.3, col. f and 15 August 1846,p.3, col. b, for accounts of the accident and the inquest.30. For example letters 1881 and 1907.31. Letter 1631.32. Faraday's first lecture of "A course of lectures on electricity and magnetism", 25 April1846, Lond.Med.Gaz., 1846, 2: 977-82, p.977.33. For discussions of the relationship of Faraday's religion and science see Cantor (1991)and Cantor et al. (1991), 17-21.34. Letters 1641 and 1642.35. Letter 2009.36. Letter 1990. See also letter 1525.37. Indeed some of his activities are not mentioned in the letters. For instance his givingevidence to the Select Committee on the Smoke Nuisance is not referred to in any of theletters. Parliamentary Papers, 1843 (583) 7, pp. 177-8.38. Letter 1502.39. But see Smith, F.M. [1871], 7.40. There are three extended discussion of the Haswell inquiry: Galloway (1898-1904), 2:181-98, Berman (1978), 177-85 and Ray (1994). Ray's is the most satisfactory account sinceBerman does not seem to have been aware of the Home Office file on the explosion (PROHO45 / 631) or the accounts in Roberts, W.P. (1844) and Anon (1844), nor of the relevantletters in the Babbage and Londonderry papers.41. Friedrich Engels (1820-1895, DSB). Political philosopher.42. Engels (1845), 305.43. A point made implicitly in Roberts, W.P. (1844), 1.44. Ibid, 23-4.45. Ibid, 24.46. Ibid, 44-5.

47. Peel was on his way to Portsmouth for the start of the state visit of Louis-Philippe.48. Parliamentary Papers, 1835 (603) 5, p.ix.49. Lyell to Babbage, 7 October 1844, BL add MS 37193, f.122. This letter is printed in Lyell(1881), 2: 89-90.50. Phillipps to Babbage, 7 October 1844, BL add MS 37193, f.120 and Lyell to Babbage, 7October 1844, BL add MS 37193, f.122.51. Lyell to Bence Jones, April 1868, in Lyell (1881), 2: 417-22. p.418.52. Letter 1615.53. Letter 1616.54. See letter 1615 and Lyell to Babbage, 7 October 1844, BL MS add 37193, f.122.55. Roberts, W.P. (1844), 45.56. Lyell to Bence Jones, April 1868, in Lyell (1881), 2: 417-22. p.418.57. Roberts, W.P. (1844), 45-65 and Anon (1844), 43-7.58. Lyell to Bence Jones, April 1868, in Lyell (1881), 2: 417-22. p.419.59. Roberts, W.P. (1844), 66-7 and Anon (1844), 46-7.60. Faraday's notes of the inquest in IEE MS SC 2 are printed in Bence Jones (1870a), 2: 183-5. This comment of Faraday's is on p. 185.61. Letter 1617.62. Lyell to Bence Jones, April 1868, in Lyell (1881), 2: 417-22, p.420.3. Charles William Vane, 3rd Marquis of Londonderry (1778-1854, DNB). Mineowner inNorth East England.64. Graham to Londonderry, 14 October 1844, Durham County Record Office, D/Lo/C 326(46).65. Letter 1622.66. Lyell and Faraday (1844).67. Letter 1652.68. Lyell and Faraday (1844), 12-3.69. Ibid, 14.70. Ibid., 18-20.71. Johnson (1845), 12.72. Times, 13 March 1845, p.2, col. e.73. Letter 1704.74. Ray (1994), 14.75. Commons Journals, 1845, 100: 277.76. On the controversial debate on this bill see Ann.Reg., 1845, 101-30.77. See Galloway (1898-1904), 2: 193-6.78. Engels (1845), 309-10. The preface was dated 15 March 1845, p.5.79. Lyell to Peel, 2 July 1845, BL add MS 40570, f.78 presented Lyell (1845) and Faraday(letter 1840) sent Faraday (1846b, c, d), ERE19, 20 and 21.80. See "Trinity House Archive", pp. xxv-xxvi for a short discussion of his pre 1841 workfor the Corporation.81. See, for examples, letters 1465 and 1876.82. Letters 2029 and 2038.83. Letter 1337.84. Letter 1473.85. Letter 1337.86. See, for instance, letters 1542, 1914 and 1955.87. Patent 9679, 25 March 1843, "Ventilating gas-burners, and burners for consuming oil,tallow, and other matters". See letters 1452 and 1460.88. Cowell (1975), 24-5.89. Times, 27 July 1846, p.5, col. a.90. Letter 1642.91. Tweney and Gooding (1991).92. Faraday's problem situation is discussed in the introduction to volume 2, pp. xxxvxxxvi.93. See letters 1416, 1511 and 1663. Even later in the decade, though with less justification,Faraday expressed similar feelings. See letters 1898, 2012 and 2063.94. Faraday (1844b).95. See letter 1636.96. Faraday (1839b).xli

xlii97. Letter 1642.98. See Faraday's notes on this lecture "On some phenomena of Electro-static induction",Rl MS F4 G13.99. Faraday (1844a).100. In IEE MS SC 2 published in Levere (1968), 105-7. See letter 1561.101. Faraday (1845d), 1.102. Faraday (1845d). During 1844 Faraday had been working on liquefying gases bylowering their temperature. On this see Goudaroulis (1995), 365-72. Faraday thus had thetechnology for this magnetic work readily to hand. Faraday (1845a, c).103. Thomson, Diary, 17 March 1843, ULC add MS 7342, NB29. The book referred to wasDaniell (1843). See Smith and Wise (1989), 213.104. See Gooding (1982).105. Letter 1765.106. Letter 1767.107. Letters 1770 and 1773,108. Faraday, Diary, 30 August 1845, 4: 7440.109. Faraday, Diary, 30 August, 1, 4, 5 September 1845, 4: 7434-97.110. Faraday, Diary, 5 September 1845, 4: 7485. On Faraday's work on optical glass seevolume 1 and James (1991a).111. Faraday, Diary, 13 September 1845, 4: 7504.112. See Buckingham (1969).113. A point he certainly came to realise, albeit grudgingly, so far as the glass work wasconcerned. See James (1991b), 300.114. Faraday, Diary, 18 September 1845, 4: 7576.115. Ibid., 7570.116. Faraday, Diary, 6 October 1845, 4: 7743.117. Faraday, Diary, 4 November 1845, 4: 7902.118. Faraday, Diary, 7 and 8 November 1845, 4: 7923-8078.119. Faraday, Diary, 7 November 1845, 4: 7979. On this see Gooding (1981), especially 239-40.120. Letters 2073, 2118, 2133 and 2136.121. This term he came to apply to all substances, whether transparent or not, whichaligned themselves between the poles of a magnet. This spelling was suggested by Whewellin mid-December 1845 and adopted by Faraday thereafter. Letter 1798.122. Letter 1785.123. See Gooding (1985), 120-3124. See Taylor, G. (1845) and Henry to Peirce, 30 December 1845 in Reingold andRothenberg (1972-92), 6: 355-9.125. See, for instance, letters 1809 and 1812.126. See letters 1834, 1836, 1841, 1842, 1859, I860, 1862, 1877, 1975, 2024, 2025, 2051, 2078,2088 and 2121.127. See letters 1850, 1851, 1852, 1853, 1854, 1864 and 1888.128. See letter 1888.129. Published as Faraday (1846e). See James (1985), 149-51 and notes therein for anaccount of the way in which this Discourse came to be delivered.130. Faraday (1846e), 348.131. Ibid., 346.132. See Airy (1846b) (and letter 1878) and letter 1895.133. For fuller accounts of Faraday's discoveries and their dissemination see Gooding(1981) and James (1985).134. Faraday (1846b, c, d), ERE19, 20 and 21.135. Letter 1984.136. Letter 1754.137. Letters 1857, 1892, 1893, 1901 and 1984.138. Walter White (1811-1893, DNB). Library attendant at the Royal Society, 1844-1861.139. White, W. (1898), 69.140. See Faraday to Elliotson, 9 May 1838, letter 1079, volume 2 and letters 1552 and 1553.141. Letter 1892.142. See, for instance, letters 1551 and 1894.143. Faraday was invited to Levees from 1843 onwards. PRO LC6/57 etseq. He attended the

xliiiLevee on 17 May 1848 (PRO LC6/13) but not the one on 11 February 1846 (letter 1828). Forothers during this period no evidence as to Faraday's attendance has been found.144. Letter 1654.145. Letter 1661.146. See, for instance, letters 1455 and 1885.147. Hall, M.B. (1984), 89.148. Lyell to Bunbury, May 1848 in Lyell (1881), 2: 145-6.149. Hall, M.B. (1984), 89-90.150. Letters 2074 and 2075.

Biographical RegisterThis provides information on those individuals who are mentioned inthree or more letters in this volume.AIRY, Hizabeth (d.1879, age 76, GRO): Sister of George Biddell Airy. Shelived at the Royal Greenwich Observatory.AIRY, George Biddell (1801-1892, DSB): Astronomer Royal at the RoyalGreenwich Observatory, 18354881.AIRY, Richarda, nee Smith (d.1875, age 70, GRO): Wife of George BiddellAiry whom she married in 1830. See his entry in DNB.AMICI, Giovan Battista (1786-1868, DSB): Italian microscopist.ANDERSON, Charles (d.1866, age 75, GRO): Originally a Sergeant in theRoyal Artillery. Joined Faraday on 3 December 1827 as assistant on theproject to improve optical glass. Bence Jones (1870a), 1: 398. After theend of the glass project, in 1830, Faraday paid him out of his own pocket(Faraday to South, 3 February 1865, IEE MS SC 3) before he was appointedRoyal Institution Laboratory Assistant in 1832. RI MM, 5 November 1832,8: 28.ANDREWS, Thomas (1813-1885, DSB): Professor of Chemistry at theBelfast Academical Institution, 1835-1845. Vice President of the NorthernCollege, Belfast, 1845-1849.ARAGO, Dominique Francois Jean (1786-1853, DSB): French physicistand astronomer. Professor of Descriptive Geometry at Ecole Polytechnique.Director of the Paris Observatory. Co-editor of Ann.Chim. PermanentSecretary of the Academie des Sciences from 1830.ASHBURNER, John (1793-1878, Bl): Physician and mesmerist.AVOGARDO, Amedeo (1776-1856, DSB): Professor of MathematicalPhysics at Turin, 1834-1850.

xlviBABBAGE, Charles (1791-1871, DSB): Mainly worked on inventingmechanical calculating machines.BAGOT, Charles (1781-1843, DNB1): Governor General of Canada, 1841-1843.BAILY, B.H.: Trinity House Superintendent at Milford. Trinity House ByBoard Minutes, 14 April 1846, GL MS 30010/35, p.62.BARLOW, Cecila Anne, nee Law: Married John Barlow in 1824. See hisentry in AC.BARLOW, John (1798-1869, AC): Rector of Little Bowden, 1830-1843.Secretary of the Lecture Committee at the Royal Institution from 1841 andSecretary of the Royal Institution, 1843-1860.BARNARD, Edward (1767-1855, GRO): Father of Sarah Faraday. Silversmith.See Grimwade (1982), 430-1.BARNARD, Ellen (1823-1899, GRO under Vincent): A niece of SarahFaraday's.BARNARD, George (1807-1890, B4): Painter. Brother of Sarah Faraday.BARNARD, Martha, nee Lyon: Wife of William Barnard. Cantor (1991),299.BARNARD, Mary, nee Boosey (1769-1847, GRO): Wife of Edward Barnard(1767-1855) and mother of Sarah Faraday.BEAUFORT, Francis (1774-1857, DNB): Hydrographer to the Royal Navy,1829-1855.BECQUEREL, Antoine-Cesar (1788-1878, DSB): French chemist whosupported the contact theory of the Voltaic cell.BERZELIUS, Jons Jacob (1779-1848, DSB): Swedish chemist. Professor ofMedicine and Pharmacy at Karolinska Institute^ Stockholm.BIOT, Jean-Baptiste (1774-1862, DSB): French physicist.BRANDE, William Thomas (1788-1866, DSB): Professor of Chemistry atthe Royal Institution, 1812-1852. Superintendent of Machinery at theRoyal Mint, 1825-1852.

xlviiBRAYLEY, Edward William (1802-1870, DNB): Writer on science.BREWSTER, David (1781-1868, DSB): Man of science. Worked chiefly onoptics. Principal of St Andrews University, 1838-1859.BRODIE, Benjamin Collins (1783-1862, DSB): Surgeon at St George'sHospital.BROWN, Edward: Buoy maker in Preston.BROWN, James: Buoy maker in Preston.BROWN, Robert (1773-1858, DSB): Keeper of Botany at the BritishMuseum, 1827-1858.BRUNEL, Isambard Kingdom (1806-1859, DNB): Civil engineer. Worked onGreat Western Railway and many other projects.BUCHANAN, Elizabeth, nee Gregory: Wife of William Buchanan. See DNBunder his entry.BUCHANAN, George (cl790-1852, DNB): Scottish civil engineer andEdinburgh Sandemanian.BUCHANAN, William (1781-1863, DNB): Lawyer and Elder of theEdinburgh Sandemanian church.BUCKLAND, William (1784-1856, DSB): Geologist. Canon of Christ Church,Oxford, 1825-1845 and Dean of Westminster, 1845-1856.BURDETT COUTTS, Angela Georgina (1814-1906, DNB2): Philanthropistand heiress who lived at 1 Stratton Street (near Albemarle Street).CAGNIARD DE LA TOUR, Charles (1777-1859, DSB): French physicist.CAVALLI, Giovanni (1808-1879, LUI): Sardinian artillery officer.CHEVREUL, Michel Eugene (1786-1889, DSB): Director of dyeing at theGobelins tapestry works and Professor of Chemistry at the Museumd'Histoire Naturelle.CHRISTIF, Samuel Hunter (1784-1865, DSB): Professor of Mathematics atthe Royal Military Academy, Woolwich from 1838. Secretary of the RoyalSociety, 1837-1854.

xlviiiCLARK, James (1788-1870, DNB): Court physician. Member of the Senateof the University of London, 1838-1865. Influential in establishing theRoyal College of Chemistry.COCKBURN, James Pattison (c 17794847, DNB): Director of the RoyalLaboratory, Woolwich, 1838-1846.CODRINGTON, Edward (17704851, DNB): Retired Admiral in the RoyalNavy. Vice President of the Royal Institution in the 1840s.COLLADON, Jean Daniel (1802-1893, DHBS): Swiss physicist.COLNAGHI, Dominic Paul (1790-1879, DNB): Print dealer of Pall Mall.COOKSON, William Isaac (1812-1888, Morris et al. (1988), 11): Glassmanufacturer in Newcastle.COUTTS see Burdett Coutts.COWPER, Edward (1790-1852, DNB): Professor of Manufacturing Art atKing's College, London, 1840-1852.CROFT, Henry Holmes (1820-1883, DCB): Professor of Chemistry atUniversity of King's College, Toronto, 1842-1879.DALTON, John (1766-1844, DSB): Chemical philosopher who lived inManchester. Developed a version of the atomic theory of matter.DAMELL, John Frederic (1790-1845, DSB): Professor of Chemistry atKing's College, London, 1831-1845. Foreign Secretary of the Royal Society,1839-1845.DAUBENY, Charles Giles Bridle (1795-1867, DSB): Professor of Chemistryat Oxford University, 1822-1855.DAVY, Humphry (1778-1829, DSB): Professor of Chemistry at the RoyalInstitution, 18024812. Knighted 1812, created Baronet, 1818. Secretary ofthe Royal Society, 1807-1812, President, 1820-1827.DAVY, Jane, olim Apreece, nee Kerr (1780-1855, DNB): Widow ofHumphry Davy whom she married in 1812.DEACON, Caroline, nee Reid (1816-1890, Reid, C.L. (1914)): Niece ofSarah Faraday's.

xlixDE LA BECHE, Henry Thomas (1796-1855, DSB): Director of theGeological Survey from 1835.DE LA RIVE, Arthur-Auguste (1801-1873, DSB): Professor of GeneralPhysics at Geneva from 1823 and, from 1825, of Experimental Physics.DE LA RIVE, Jeanne-Mathilde, nee Duppa (1808-1850, DHBS): Writer andhistorian. Married Arthur-Auguste De La Rive in 1826.DICKINSON, John (1782-1869, Bl): Paper manufacturer.DONNY, Francois Marie Louis (1822-1896, Seyn (1935-6), 1: 403): Belgianchemist.DREW, Richard (1787-1843, GenlMag., 1843, 20: 329): An Elder Brother ofTrinity House, 1826-1843, Chaplin [1950], 84.DUFF, John: Dundee Sandemanian.DUMAS, Hermenie, nee Brongniart: Married Dumas in 1826, Crosland(1992), 184.DUMAS, Jean-Baptiste-Andre (1800-1884, DSB): Professor of Chemistry atthe Sorbonne, 18414868. Co-editor of Ann.Chim.EASTON, James (1796-1871, The Engineer, 1871, 32: 306-7): Engineer who,among other projects, built the water system for Trafalgar Square.ELLIS, Henry (1777-1869, DNB): Librarian of the British Museum, 1827-1856.EVERETT, Edward (1794-1865, DAB): United States Ambassador inLondon, 1841-1845.FARADAY, Margaret, nee Leighton (d.1868, age 78, GRO). Married RobertFaraday in 1815. See letter 53, volume 1.FARADAY, Robert (1788-1846, GRO): Brother of Faraday. Gas engineer.FARADAY, Sarah, nee Barnard (18004879, GRO): Daughter of Edwardand Mary Barnard. Married Faraday on 12 June 1821.FINCHER, Joseph: Assistant Secretary of the Royal Institution, 1810-1846.Dismissed for defrauding the Royal Institution. RI MM, 20 July 1846, 9: 404.

FORBES, James David (1809-1868, DSB): Professor Natural Philosophy atEdinburgh University, 1833-1860. Secretary of the Royal Society ofEdinburgh, 1840-1851.FREDERICK WILLIAM IV (1795-1861, NDB): King of Prussia, 18404861.FRESNEL, Leonor (1790-1869, Tarbe de St.-Hardouin (1884), 186-7):Secretary and Director of the French lighthouse service.GASSIOT, John Peter (1797-1877, DSB): Wine merchant and electrician.GRAHAM, James Robert George (1792-1861, DNB): Tory MP forDorchester and Home Secretary, 1841-1846.GRAHAM, Thomas (1805-1869, DSB): Professor of Chemistry at UniversityCollege London, 1837-1854.GRAY, Elizabeth, nee Faraday (1787-1847, GRO): Elder sister of Faradayand wife of Adam Gray.GREGORY, George (1790-1853, DNB): Physician to the Small PoxHospital.GRIFFIN, John Joseph (1802-1877, DNB): Chemical writer and supplier ofapparatus.GROVE, William Robert (1811-1896, DSB): Lawyer and man of science.Professor of Experimental Philosophy at the London Institution, 1841-1847.HALL, John: Gunpowder manufacturer of 23 Lombard Street. POD.HARRIS, William Snow (1791-1867, DNB): Plymouth man of science whoworked on electricity, particularly lightning conductors.HAWES, Benjamin (1770-1860, Bl under Benjamin Hawes). Chairman ofthe Thames Tunnel Company and then worked for the Gas Light and CokeCompany. Everard (1949), 187-201.HAWKINS, Edward (1780-1867, DNB): Keeper of Antiquities at the BritishMuseum, 1826-1860.

HENRY, Joseph (1797-1878, DSB): Professor of Natural Philosophy atCollege of New Jersey, Princeton, 18324846. Secretary of the SmithsonianInstitution, 1846-1878.HERBERT, George: A clerk at Trinity House, 1834-1854. Imperial Calendar.HERBERT, Jacob (d.1867, age 79, GenLMag., 1867, 3: 262): Secretary ofTrinity House, 18244856. Chaplin [1950], 183.HERRIES, M.: Daughter of John Charles Herries (1778-1855, DNB). Torypolitician. MP for Stamford, 1847-1853.HERSCHEL, John Frederick William (1792-1871, DSB): Man of sciencewho worked on astronomy, chemistry and physics. Lived and worked atCollingwood near Hawkhurst from 1840.HOLLAND, Henry (1788-1873, DNB): Fashionable physician. PhysicianExtraordinary to Queen Victoria from 1837 and Physician in Ordinary toPrince Albert from 1840.HUGHES, William (d.1870, age 64, GRO): Clerk of accounts of the RoyalInstitution, 1846-1870. RI MM, 30 November 1846, 9: 420; 6 February 1871,12: 355.HUMBOLDT, Friedrich Wilhelm Heinrich Alexander von (1769-1859,DSB): German man of science and traveller.HUNT, Robert (1807-1887, DNB): Chemist who worked particularly onphotography. From 1845, Keeper of the Mining Record Office.JACOBI, Moritz Hermann von (1801-1874, DSB): Member of the ImperialAcademy of Sciences at St Petersburg.JENNINGS, Jane: Mesmerist who lived in Cork.JONES, William Daniel (1787-1857, B2): Inspector of the Royal MilitaryAcademy, 1841-1851.KANE, Robert John (1809-1890, DSB): Lecturer (later Professor) inNatural Philosophy at Royal Dublin Society, 1834-1847.KNIGHT, Gowin (1713-1772, DNB): Librarian at the British Museum.Worked on compasses.

HiLE BAILLIF, Alexandre-Claude-Martin (1764-1831, NBU): French physicist.LIEBIG, Henriette nee Moldenhauer (1807-1881, private communicationfrom W.H. Brock): Married Justus von Liebig in 1826.LIEBIG, Justus von (1803-1873, DSB): Professor of Chemistry at GiessenUniversity, 1825-1851. Worked especially on organic and agriculturalchemistry.LOMBARDI, Antonio (b.1768, PI): Librarian in Modena.LOUIS-PHILIPPE (1773-1850, NBU): King of the French, 1830-1848.LOVELACE, Augusta Ada nee Byron, Countess (1815-1852, DNBmp underByron): Daughter of Lord Byron. Friend of Charles Babbage whom shehelped with his calculating machines.LYELL, Charles (1797-1875, DSB): Geologist.MADAN, Frederick (d.1863, age 66, Gent.Mag., 1863, 15: 810): An ElderBrother of Trinity House, 1837-1863. Chaplin [1950], 86, 93.MAGRATH, Edward (d.1861, age 70, GRO): Secretary of the AthenaeumClub, 1824-1855. Waugh [1894].MALTBY, Brough George: A clerk at Trinity House, 1810-1853. ImperialCalendar.MANBY, Charles (1804-1884, DNB): Civil engineer and Secretary of theInstitution of Civil Engineers, 1839-1856.MANTELL, Gideon Algernon (1790-1852, DSB): Geologist.MARCET, Jane nee Haldimand (1769-1858, DNB): Popular scientificwriter.MARIGNAC, Jean Charles Galissard de (1817-1894, DSB): Professor ofchemistry at Geneva, 1841-1878.MARSH, James (1794-1846, DNB): Chemical assistant at Royal MilitaryAcademy, 1829-1846.

liiiMARTIN, John (1789-1854, DNB): Historical and landscape painter. Healso worked on the disposal of London's sewage.MATTEUCCI, Carlo (18114868, DSB): Italian physiologist and physicist.MAYNARD, Thomas Christopher: Durham coroner. In Law List, 1826-1859.MILLER, William Allen (1817-1870, DSB): From 1841 Assistant Lecturer in,and from 1845, Professor of Chemistry at King's College, London, a postwhich he held until 1870.MITSCHERLICH, Eilhard (1794-1863, DSB): Professor of Chemistry atBerlin University, 1825-1863.MORSON, Thomas Newborn Robert (1799-1874, Ann.Reg., 1874: 150,Morson (1990)): Pharmaceutical chemist.MOSER, Ludwig Ferdinand (1805-1880, P2, 3): Professor of Physics at theUniversity of Konigsberg from 1839.MURCHISON, Roderick Impey (1792-1871, DSB): Retired Army officer andgeologist.MURRAY, John (1778-1843, DNB): Publisher of 50 Albemarle Street.MURRAY, John (1808-1892, DNB): Publisher of 50 Albemarle Street.MUSPRATT, James Sheridan (1821-1871, DNB): Chemist who studiedunder Graham and Liebig.NASMYTH, James (1808-1890, DSB): Engineer and astronomer inManchester.NEALE, George: Keeper of St Catherine's Lighthouse, Isle of Wight. TrinityHouse By Board Minutes, 23 April 1844, GL MS 30010/34, p.91.NEWMAN, John (d.1860, age 77, GRO): Scientific instrument maker.NICOL, William (1768-1851, DSB): Inventor of a polarising prism.NORTHAMPTON, Spencer Joshua Alwyne Compton, 2nd Marquis of(1790-1851, DNB): President of the Royal Society, 1838-1848.

livNORTHUMBERLAND, Algernon Percy, Baron Prudhoe and (from 12February 1847) 4th Duke of (1792-1865, DNB): President of the RoyalInstitution, 1842-1865.NORTHUMBERLAND, Eleanor, Duchess of, nee Lupus (1820-1911, CP):Married Lord Prudhoe, 25 August 1842.OERSTED, Hans Christian (1777-1851, DSB): Danish natural philosopherand Director of the Polytechnic Institute in Copenhagen, 1829-1851.OWEN, Richard (1804-1892, DSB): Hunterian Professor of ComparativeAnatomy at the Royal College of Surgeons, 1836-1856.PEEL, Robert (1788-1850, DNB): Tory politician. Prime Minister, 1841-1846.PELLY, John Henry (1777-1852, DNB): Deputy Master of Trinity House,1834-1852. Arrow (1868), 44.PELTIER, Jean Charles Athanase (1785-1845, DSB): French physicist.PERCY, John (1817-1889, DSB): Metallurgist in Birmingham.PHILLIPPS, Samuel March (1780-1862, DNB): Permanent Under Secretaryof State at the Home Office, 1827-1848.PHILLIPPS, Thomas (1792-1872, DNB): Antiquary and bibliophile.PHILLIPS, Richard (1788-1851, DNB): Chemist and curator of the Museumof Practical Geology, 1839-1851.PHILLIPS, Thomas (1770-1845, DNB): Portrait painter.PLATEAU, Joseph Antoine Ferdinand (1801-1883, DSB): Professor ofPhysics at the University of Ghent, 1835-1872. Totally blind from 1843.PLAYFAIR, Lyon (1818-1898, DSB): Chemical manager at the PrimroseMill. Professor of Chemistry at the Royal Institution of Manchester, 1842-1845. Then Chemist to the Geological Survey and Professor of Chemistryat the School of Mines.PLUCKER, Julius (18014868, DSB): Professor of Mathematics, 1836-1847,and Professor of Physics, 1847-1868, at the University of Bonn.

lvPOGGENDORFF, Johaim Christian (1796-1877, DSB): Editor of AnnalenderPhysik und Chemie, 1824-1877.POWELL, Baden (1796-1860, DSB): Savilian Professor of Geometry atOxford University, 1827-1860.PREVOST, Jean-Louis (1790-1850, DSB): Swiss physiologist.PRUDHOE, see Northumberland.QUETELET, Lambert-Adolphe-Jacques (1796-1874, DSB): Astronomer atthe Brussels Observatory from 1828 and Permanent Secretary of theBrussels Academy from 1834.REID, Caroline, see Deacon, Caroline.REID, Margery Ann (1815-1888, Reid, C.L. (1914)): Niece of SarahFaraday's. Lived with the Faradays at the Royal Institution betweenabout 1826 and 1840. For her accounts of this period see Bence Jones(1870a), 1: 420-4, 2: 112-5.REID, Mary, nee Barnard (1792-1845, Reid, C.L (1914)): Sister of SarahFaraday and wife of William Reid.ROBERTON, John David (d.1843, age 43, GRO): Assistant Secretary at theRoyal Society, 1835-1843. Anon (1940), 344.ROBINSON, Thomas Romney (1792-1882, DNB): Director of the ArmaghObservatory, 1823-1882.ROGET, Peter Mark (1779-1869, DNB): Physician. Secretary of the RoyalSociety, 1827-1848.RONALDS, Francis (1788-1873, DNB): Director of the MeteorologicalObservatory, Kew, 1843-1852.ROSE, Heinrich (1795-1864, DSB): Professor of Chemistry at BerlinUniversity from 1835.ROSS, John (1777-1856, DNB): Royal Navy officer and Arctic explorer.ROSSE, William Parsons, 3rd Earl of (1800-1867, DSB): Irish astronomer.President of the Royal Society, 1848-1854.

lviSABINE, Edward (1788-1883, DSB): Colonel in Royal Artillery. Worked onterrestrial magnetism. Foreign Secretary of the Royal Society, 1845-1850.SCHMIDT: Magnet maker.SCHOENBEIN, Berta (1846-1927, private communication from Peter Nolteand Ulf Bossel). Daughter of Christian Friedrich Schoenbein and EmilieWilhelmine Luise Schoenbein.SCHOENBEIN, Christian Friedrich (1799-1868, DSB): Professor of Physicsand Chemistry at University of Basle, 1835-1852.SCHOENBEIN, Emilie (1836-1859, GRO): Daughter of Christian FriedrichSchoenbein and Emilie Wilhelmine Luise Schoenbein.SCHOENBEIN, Emilie Wilhelmine Luise, nee Benz: (18074871, Bidlingmaier(1989), 35): Married Christian Friedrich Schoenbein in 1835.SCHOENBEIN, Fanny Anna Franziska (1840-1921, private communicationfrom Peter Nolte and Ulf Bossel). Daughter of Christian FriedrichSchoenbein and Emilie Wilhelmine Luise Schoenbein.SCHOENBEIN, Wilhelmine Sophie (1838-1914, private communicationfrom Peter Nolte and Ulf Bossel): Daughter of Christian FriedrichSchoenbein and Emilie Wilhelmine Luise Schoenbein.SCORESBY, William (1789-1857, DNB): Vicar of Bradford, 1839-1847.Worked on magnetism.SOUTH, James (1785-1867, DSB): Astronomer whose observatory was inKensington.STANLEY, Edward (1779-1849, DNB): Bishop of Norwich, 1837-1849.STRACHAN, John (1778-1867, DNB): Bishop of Toronto, 1839-1867.STUTCHBURY, Samuel (1798-1859, AuDB): Mine viewer in the Duchy ofCornwall.TALBOT, William Henry Fox (1800-1877, DSB): One of the inventors ofphotography.TAYLOR, Hugh (1817-1868, B3): One of the owners of Haswell Colliery.

TAYLOR, Richard (1781-1858, DNB): Publisher and one of the editors ofthe Philosophical Magazine.lviiTHOMSON, William (1824-1907, DSB): Second Wrangler at University ofCambridge, 1845. Fellow of Peterhouse, Cambridge, 1845-1852. Professorof Natural Philosophy, University of Glasgow, 18464899.VICTORIA (1819-1901, DNB1): Queen of England, 1837-1901.VINCENT, Benjamin (1818-1899, B3): Member of the London SandemanianChurch who worked at one time for the publishers Gilbert and Rivington(Cantor (1991), 73-5). Appointed Assistant Secretary of the RoyalInstitution in 1848.WALKER, Robert (1801-1865, B3): Professor of Experimental Philosophyat the University of Oxford, 1839-1865.WARINGTON, Robert (1807-1867, DNB): Chemist to the Society ofApothecaries, 1842-1867, and Secretary of the Chemical Society, 1841-1851.WEIS, Andreas Severin (1815-1889, DBL): Engineer at PolytechnicInstitute in Copenhagen.WELD, Charles Richard (1813-1869, DNB): Assistant Secretary of theRoyal Society, 1843-1861.WHEATSTONE, Charles (1802-1875, DSB): Professor of ExperimentalPhilosophy at King's College, London, 1834-1875. Worked on sound andelectricity.WHEWELL, William (1794-1866, DSB): Master of Trinity College, Cambridge,1841-1866. Primarily an historian and philosopher of science.WILKINS, William Crane: Lighthouse and patent lamp manufacturer of 24and 25 Longacre. POD.WILLIS, Robert (1800-1875, DSB): Jacksonian Professor of AppliedMechanics at the University of Cambridge, 1837-1875.WINSOR, Frederick Albert (1797-1874, DNB): Lawyer.YOUNG, Mary: Research assistant to Francesco Bonaini.