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Islam in World Cultures: Comparative Perspectives - Islamic Books ...

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8 6<strong>Islam</strong> i n <strong>World</strong> Cult u r e sthe Constitutionalists, who saw that a strong monarch was the only way to unitethe country. Reza Shah knew that the best way to consolidate his power was tow<strong>in</strong> over the clerics, so he supported government-run religious rituals, metwith many major m u j t a h i ds to allay their fears that the government would becomeanti-<strong>Islam</strong>ic, and <strong>in</strong> general promised that his rule would preserve “thepr<strong>in</strong>ciples of the religion and strengthen its foundations because [he] consider[ed]the complete re<strong>in</strong>forc<strong>in</strong>g of religion one of the most effective meansof achiev<strong>in</strong>g national unity and strengthen<strong>in</strong>g the spirituality of Iranian society”(speech by Reza Shah, quoted <strong>in</strong> Arjomand 2000, 62–63, 81).H o w e v e r, after consolidat<strong>in</strong>g his power, Reza Shah began establish<strong>in</strong>g modernizedand secularized <strong>in</strong>stitutions that disenfranchised the clerical class. Hetook away the checks and balances the clerics had over his power by centraliz<strong>in</strong>gthe government’s control over clerical juridical and educational <strong>in</strong>stitutionsand over the land trusts that were the source of the clergy’s wealth. Healso made secular education mandatory, mak<strong>in</strong>g it difficult for clerics to teach<strong>in</strong> traditional schools, and he modernized the court system <strong>in</strong>to a s<strong>in</strong>gle, government-runsystem that ended separate clerical jurisdictions. Reza Shah’s totalitarianpolicies prevented any political liberalization or local autonomy,which greatly upset both the secularist liberals and the Shi’ite clergy. Dur<strong>in</strong>g<strong>World</strong> War II, he also alienated the Allied powers, which removed him fromcommand, replac<strong>in</strong>g him with his twenty-two-year-old son, Muhammad Reza,who cont<strong>in</strong>ued the earlier Westerniz<strong>in</strong>g, centraliz<strong>in</strong>g, and seculariz<strong>in</strong>g practicesof his father.In the 1950s, Muhammad Reza’s policies of kowtow<strong>in</strong>g to the demands ofGreat Brita<strong>in</strong> and the United States made him lose favor among the clericaland merchant classes, pav<strong>in</strong>g the way for various groups to unite under a newp a r t y, the Nationalist Front, headed by Mohammad Mosaddeq. After com<strong>in</strong>gto power as prime m<strong>in</strong>ister, Mosaddeq attempted to br<strong>in</strong>g about major economicand political reforms that eventually exiled Muhammad Reza Shah andnationalized the lucrative monopolistic Iranian oil company, which up till thenwas run by the British. Mosaddeq’s rise to power and reforms from 1950 to1953 ended up scar<strong>in</strong>g not only the West but also the clerics, because bothfeared that his socialist tendencies would give rise to Communist rule <strong>in</strong> Iran.The U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) maneuvered the overthrow of theMosaddeq rule and returned the shah, much to the delight and support of variouspowerful ayatollahs (Arjomand 2000, 81), some of whom contended thatrule by a k<strong>in</strong>g was more <strong>Islam</strong>ic than rule by a socialist government or even ar e p u b l i c .Upon his return to power, Muhammad Reza Shah cont<strong>in</strong>ued to implementmodernization policies <strong>in</strong> an absolutist manner, and he encouraged foreign,non-Muslim <strong>in</strong>fluences to enter <strong>in</strong>to Iranian life. For example, his White Revolutionof 1963 advocated modern programs for land reform and women’s suf-

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