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Islam in World Cultures: Comparative Perspectives - Islamic Books ...

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6 0<strong>Islam</strong> i n <strong>World</strong> Cult u r e swhich is <strong>in</strong>creas<strong>in</strong>gly stereotyped as a movement of peasants and the work<strong>in</strong>gclasses, prom<strong>in</strong>ent <strong>Islam</strong>ists sometimes have backgrounds that <strong>in</strong>volved variouselements of Sufi thought and practice. Ayatollah Khome<strong>in</strong>i <strong>in</strong> Iran, Hasan al-Banna <strong>in</strong> Egypt, and popular leaders and cultural critics Fqih Zamzami andAbd al-Slam Yas<strong>in</strong> of Morocco all had roots <strong>in</strong> Sufism. In Lebanon, on theother hand, the Ahbash Sufi order has energetically organized to oppose politicallyactive Sunni <strong>Islam</strong>ic groups. The Ahbash reject the ideology of SayyidQutb and call for pacifism and moderation, even while enter<strong>in</strong>g electoral politicsto counterbalance groups l<strong>in</strong>ked with Saudi and Egyptian <strong>Islam</strong>ist radicals.P a r a d o x i c a l l y, they ma<strong>in</strong>ta<strong>in</strong> good relations with Hizbullah, the Shi’ite groupthat became <strong>in</strong>ternationally notorious <strong>in</strong> the 1980s for its attacks on Israel andits kidnapp<strong>in</strong>g of foreigners <strong>in</strong> Beirut dur<strong>in</strong>g the civil war that followed the1982 Israeli <strong>in</strong>vasion. In Lebanon as well as <strong>in</strong> other countries where Sufism isa popular practice, the Shi’ite veneration of the Prophet Muhammad and hisfamily is attractive to Sunni Muslims as well and can act as a devotional bridgebetween the two communities (Hamzeh and Dekmejian 1996; Hoffmann-Ladd 1992).Electoral ventures such as that of the Ahbash are not rare <strong>in</strong> countrieswhere limited political participation is allowed. In Egypt and Jordan, membersor sympathizers of the Muslim Brotherhood have run for and won election toseats <strong>in</strong> Parliament and have been appo<strong>in</strong>ted to the judiciary. But the boundariesof toleration are always uncerta<strong>in</strong> and are constantly shift<strong>in</strong>g. In 1982,President Hafez al-Asad of Syria ordered the massacre of 10,000 people <strong>in</strong> thetown of Hama as part of an attack on Syria’s Muslim Brotherhood. Elsewhere,relative degrees of freedom to form political parties and participate <strong>in</strong> electionsfor local or national offices alternate with cycles of repression, vote fix<strong>in</strong>g,and political arrests. The Egyptian government still periodically cracksdown on the Muslim Brotherhood, as it did <strong>in</strong> 1995 when it claimed to possessevidence of Brotherhood <strong>in</strong>volvement <strong>in</strong> an assass<strong>in</strong>ation plot aga<strong>in</strong>st PresidentHusni Mubarak. Days before an election for the lower house of Parliament,Egyptian police arrested hundreds of Muslim Brotherhood members, aswell as leftists, human rights advocates, and others.In 1991, as Algeria’s <strong>Islam</strong>ic Salvation Front (FIS) was poised to w<strong>in</strong> a roundof national elections, those elections were canceled when the country ’s milita ry seized control of the government and outlawed the FIS. This action precipitateda decade of obscene violence <strong>in</strong> which tens of thousands of Algeriansdied. The military claimed that FIS’s entry <strong>in</strong>to the political arena was a platformfor the permanent seizure of power through the cancellation of futureelections, s<strong>in</strong>ce some <strong>Islam</strong>ist activists claim that human legislation throughp a r l i a m e n t a ry democracy is contrary to the rule of div<strong>in</strong>e law. This is, ofcourse, a fundamental contradiction of modern liberalism: that people mightfreely elect those who would deprive them of freedom. But the military ’s ac-

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