Islam in World Cultures: Comparative Perspectives - Islamic Books ...
Islam in World Cultures: Comparative Perspectives - Islamic Books ... Islam in World Cultures: Comparative Perspectives - Islamic Books ...
Islam after Empire 5 3dedicated to d a ’ w a , sports, publications, and translation work. The Brotherhoodfounded hospitals, schools, and other social service institutions; sponsoredmeetings and conferences; and trained lay Muslim preachers. Its thoroughlymodern administrative apparatus and its social, cultural, and politicalactivism were broadly popular among urban Egyptians, particularly schoolteachers,clerks, lawyers, physicians, police, civil servants, and students. But despiteits wide range of social activities, al-Banna always reminded followers ofthe broader purpose of the movement:Brethren, you are not a benevolent organization, nor a political party, nor a localassociation with strictly limited aims. Rather you are a new spirit making its wayinto the heart of this nation and revivifying it through the Qur’an; a new lightdawning and scattering the darkness of materialism through the knowledge ofGod; a resounding voice rising and echoing the message of the Apostle. . . . Weare calling you to Islam, which was brought by Muhammad. . . . government ispart of it, and freedom is one of its religious duties. If someone should say toyou: This is politics! say: this is Islam, and we do not recognize such divisions. (Al-Banna, “Between Yesterday and To d a y,” translated in Wendell 1978, 36)The Brotherh o o d ’s political goals were to rid Egypt of the British, to transformthe Egyptian government into an Islamic one, and to initiate changes inthe u m m a that would eventually result in the reestablishment of the caliphate.In the view of the Muslim Brotherhood, the moral and political bankruptcy ofsuch Western ideologies as liberal capitalism and communism—the first seenas a kind of Christian imperialism and the second as an equally belligerentm i s s i o n a ry atheism—was clear. The years following the horrors of World War Isaw cultural critics in both the West and the Middle East commenting on thefailures rather than the successes of European civilization. The American poetEzra Pound, for example, wrote of the modern West as “an old bitch gone inthe teeth . . . a botched civilization” (Pound 1920). For al-Banna, writing duringthe Great Depression of the 1930s,the civilization of the West, which was brilliant by virtue of its scientific perf e c-tion for a long time, and which subjugated the whole world with the products ofthis science . . . is now bankrupt and in decline. Its foundations are crumbling,and its institutions and guiding principles are falling apart. Its political foundationsare being destroyed by dictatorships, and its economic foundations are beingswept away by crises. The millions of its wretched unemployed and hungryoffer their testimony against it, while its social foundations are being underminedby deviant ideologies and revolutions which are breaking out every w h e r e .Its people are at a loss as to the proper measures to be taken and are wanderingfar astray. (Al-Banna, “Toward the Light,” translated in Wendell 1978, 106).
5 4Islam i n World Cult u r e sAccording to al-Banna and the Muslim Brotherhood, the proper responsewas to abandon “the path of fleshly desires and vanities—the path of Europe”and follow Islam, the perfect system of social organization (al-Banna, “To w a r dthe Light,” translated in Wendell 1978, 124). In this way, political communitywas to be defined not by territory or race or power but by creed:O our people, we are calling out to you with the Qur’an in our right hand andthe Sunna in our left, and with the deeds of the pious ancestors of the sons ofthis u m m a as our example. We summon you to Islam, the teachings of Islam, thelaws and guidance of Islam. . . . Muslims, this is a period of creation: create yourselves,and your u m m a will thereby be created! (Al-Banna, “Toward the Light,”translated in Wendell 1978, 75, 84)The organization’s public activities drew positive attention from much ofthe public, but the Brotherhood worried the government, not only because ofits growing power but also because within the organization was a secret milita ry wing that engaged in political violence. In late 1948, the Egyptian primeminister banned the organization and was assassinated by a member of the secretapparatus. Hasan al-Banna was assassinated in retaliation, and thousandsof Brotherhood members were imprisoned, a cycle of action and reaction thathas been repeated each decade since as the Egyptian government and theB r o t h e rhood (and its more radical offshoots) have struggled over issues of activism,change, and restraint.These recurrent waves of arrests, imprisonments, and executions of Islamicactivists have had a deep effect on the ideologies and organizational forms ofIslamic movements in the Middle East. Political repression has confirmed inthe minds of the members of various Islamic movements the view that the governmentsunder which they live are persecuting “true Muslims” in the name ofsecularism, communism, or some other Western ideology, and the interactionhas radicalized many Muslim groups. Prisons have been valuable recruitinggrounds and sites of ideological development for activists’ political stance, justas contacts with the West have been formative for their moral and culturalideas. Al-Banna’s ideological successor, Sayyid Qutb, had both experiences athis disposal.Sayyid QutbSayyid Qutb and Hasan al-Banna were exact contemporaries, each born in1906. But the two had very different career paths as Islamic activists. Al-Bannaentered the world of Islamic organizing early. He attended anti-British ralliesand later attended the circle of Muhammad Abduh’s collaborator Rashid Rida.
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<strong>Islam</strong> after Empire 5 3dedicated to d a ’ w a , sports, publications, and translation work. The Brotherhoodfounded hospitals, schools, and other social service <strong>in</strong>stitutions; sponsoredmeet<strong>in</strong>gs and conferences; and tra<strong>in</strong>ed lay Muslim preachers. Its thoroughlymodern adm<strong>in</strong>istrative apparatus and its social, cultural, and politicalactivism were broadly popular among urban Egyptians, particularly schoolteachers,clerks, lawyers, physicians, police, civil servants, and students. But despiteits wide range of social activities, al-Banna always rem<strong>in</strong>ded followers ofthe broader purpose of the movement:Brethren, you are not a benevolent organization, nor a political party, nor a localassociation with strictly limited aims. Rather you are a new spirit mak<strong>in</strong>g its way<strong>in</strong>to the heart of this nation and revivify<strong>in</strong>g it through the Qur’an; a new lightdawn<strong>in</strong>g and scatter<strong>in</strong>g the darkness of materialism through the knowledge ofGod; a resound<strong>in</strong>g voice ris<strong>in</strong>g and echo<strong>in</strong>g the message of the Apostle. . . . Weare call<strong>in</strong>g you to <strong>Islam</strong>, which was brought by Muhammad. . . . government ispart of it, and freedom is one of its religious duties. If someone should say toyou: This is politics! say: this is <strong>Islam</strong>, and we do not recognize such divisions. (Al-Banna, “Between Yesterday and To d a y,” translated <strong>in</strong> Wendell 1978, 36)The Brotherh o o d ’s political goals were to rid Egypt of the British, to transformthe Egyptian government <strong>in</strong>to an <strong>Islam</strong>ic one, and to <strong>in</strong>itiate changes <strong>in</strong>the u m m a that would eventually result <strong>in</strong> the reestablishment of the caliphate.In the view of the Muslim Brotherhood, the moral and political bankruptcy ofsuch Western ideologies as liberal capitalism and communism—the first seenas a k<strong>in</strong>d of Christian imperialism and the second as an equally belligerentm i s s i o n a ry atheism—was clear. The years follow<strong>in</strong>g the horrors of <strong>World</strong> War Isaw cultural critics <strong>in</strong> both the West and the Middle East comment<strong>in</strong>g on thefailures rather than the successes of European civilization. The American poetEzra Pound, for example, wrote of the modern West as “an old bitch gone <strong>in</strong>the teeth . . . a botched civilization” (Pound 1920). For al-Banna, writ<strong>in</strong>g dur<strong>in</strong>gthe Great Depression of the 1930s,the civilization of the West, which was brilliant by virtue of its scientific perf e c-tion for a long time, and which subjugated the whole world with the products ofthis science . . . is now bankrupt and <strong>in</strong> decl<strong>in</strong>e. Its foundations are crumbl<strong>in</strong>g,and its <strong>in</strong>stitutions and guid<strong>in</strong>g pr<strong>in</strong>ciples are fall<strong>in</strong>g apart. Its political foundationsare be<strong>in</strong>g destroyed by dictatorships, and its economic foundations are be<strong>in</strong>gswept away by crises. The millions of its wretched unemployed and hungryoffer their testimony aga<strong>in</strong>st it, while its social foundations are be<strong>in</strong>g underm<strong>in</strong>edby deviant ideologies and revolutions which are break<strong>in</strong>g out every w h e r e .Its people are at a loss as to the proper measures to be taken and are wander<strong>in</strong>gfar astray. (Al-Banna, “Toward the Light,” translated <strong>in</strong> Wendell 1978, 106).