Islam in World Cultures: Comparative Perspectives - Islamic Books ...

Islam in World Cultures: Comparative Perspectives - Islamic Books ... Islam in World Cultures: Comparative Perspectives - Islamic Books ...

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H i s to r i cal Introduction and Overv i e w 2 5to political power in the Arabian peninsula. It originated with Muhammadibn Abd al-Wahhab (d. 1792), who grew up at Nejd in the Arabian peninsula.His writings on reforming Islam drew considerably on the works of medievalHanbali scholars such as Ibn Taymiyya; however, he claimed to be an independentreformer who derived his arguments directly from the Qur’an andhadith. He called for a radical reform of society to free Islam from what heviewed as the accretion of “ignorant” and “pagan” traditions, including thetraditional Muslim jurisprudence of the four established schools of law, aswell as such local customs as the veneration of shrines dedicated to Sufi “masters”(awliya Allah).These agendas were significantly advanced in Arabia after the Wa h h a b imovement for religious reform came together with the political and militaryenergies of the local Sa’ud clan. For much of the second half of the eighteenthc e n t u ry, campaigns both of words and of blunter weapons were waged by theWahhabi-Saudi forces until the establishment of the first Saudi state and theSaudi and Wahhabi conquest of Mecca in 1806. Through their control of thecities of Mecca and Medina, the influence of Wahhabi doctrine spread beyondthe Arabian peninsula to all parts of the Muslim world, following pilgrims onthe h a j j as well as itinerant Muslim scholars and students who came from allover Asia and Africa to study in Islam’s holiest city. The Wahhabis were known,then as now, for their sharp criticism of Muslim ideas and practices that theydeemed to be un-Islamic. This criticism often extended to many teachings andpractices associated with Sufism as well as to the institutions and ideas that haddynamically managed the differing Muslim scholarly opinions that had animatedreligious developments in earlier centuries of Islamic history.H o w e v e r, Wahhabism was not unopposed. In this period, one of the mostimportant early critics of Wahhabism was a North African scholar named Ahmadibn Idris, who wrote a treatise defending the rich traditions of Muslimlearning and religious experience established in Islamic history against theWahhabi reformism that sought to discard these legacies:As for you [the Wahhabis]—God bless you—you are familiar with texts entitledThe Rudiments a n d Basic Principles, and you imagine that knowledge of the Book(i.e., Qur’an) and the Sunna (as related through h a d i t h) consists of what is containedin such summaries. This is compound ignorance! . . . If you were cognizantof the accommodating religious learning which others possess, the realitieswould be apparent to you and you would proceed along the clearest path.But you have imposed restrictions on yourselves and the roads have become narrowfor you. You have reduced Islam to what you are aware of and you claim thatyou are the saved ones, whereas all others shall perish. This amounts to narrowmindednessand the hardening of accommodation. But God guides us andguides you! (Quoted in Radtke et al. 2000, 197–198)

2 6Islam i n World Cult u r e sThese remarks reveal sharply the major points of debate over Islamic reformin the modern period. They show the lines between those who would bringnew life to Islam in the lives of contemporary Muslims through attempts atboth broadening and deepening Muslim appreciation and understanding ofthe richness of their tradition, and those who would pursue the same goalthrough programs of policing newly imposed borders around one particularbrand of Islam both on library shelves and in the lives of individual believers.In many parts of the world today, a form of latter-day Wahhabism is a significantforce in public debates over the interpretation of Islam. One hallmark ofsuch an orientation is a tendency to view “Islam” as one monolithic entity witha “pure” essence that must be preserved and protected from the “pollution” ofcultural and historical change. However, even in the face of the spread of suchfundamentalist visions of Islam, other Muslims argue for more subtle andadaptable approaches to defining their religion. For example, the contempora ry Iranian intellectual Abdol Karim Soroush argues:There is no such thing as a “pure” Islam, or an a-historical Islam that is outsidethe process of historical development. The actual lived experience of Islam hasalways been culturally and historically specific, and bound by the immediate circumstancesof its location in time and space. If we were to take a snapshot of Islamas it is lived today, it would reveal a diversity of lived experiences which areall different, yet existing simultaneously. (Quoted in Noor 2002, 15–16)This volume presents a series of such snapshots of contemporary Islam in geographicaland cultural contexts around the globe in order to present some senseof its richness and variety. The chapters that follow prompt us to move beyondsimplified essentializations of Islam to ask the who, what, where, and when of Islamicexpressions in working toward understandings of both historical and conte m p o r a ry phenomena. An exposure to such a comparative perspective helps ussee why abstracted or essentialized claims that Islam (or Christianity or Buddhismfor that matter) “says this” or “does that” should be viewed critically, especiallywhen they are uttered in politically charged public discourses.Political and Social Change in the Modern PeriodOne of the leading scholars of modern Islamic history, John Voll, has writtenof three major themes visible in the eighteenth century: political decentralization,a reorientation of Sufi traditions, and religious revivalist movements (Vo l l1982, 34–38). The first of these can be seen in the development of the Ottoman,Mughal, and Safavid Empires that came to power in the Middle Eastand southern Asia after the collapse and fragmentation of the AbbasidCaliphate. In the eighteenth century, these large, agrarian states witnessed a

2 6<strong>Islam</strong> i n <strong>World</strong> Cult u r e sThese remarks reveal sharply the major po<strong>in</strong>ts of debate over <strong>Islam</strong>ic reform<strong>in</strong> the modern period. They show the l<strong>in</strong>es between those who would br<strong>in</strong>gnew life to <strong>Islam</strong> <strong>in</strong> the lives of contemporary Muslims through attempts atboth broaden<strong>in</strong>g and deepen<strong>in</strong>g Muslim appreciation and understand<strong>in</strong>g ofthe richness of their tradition, and those who would pursue the same goalthrough programs of polic<strong>in</strong>g newly imposed borders around one particularbrand of <strong>Islam</strong> both on library shelves and <strong>in</strong> the lives of <strong>in</strong>dividual believers.In many parts of the world today, a form of latter-day Wahhabism is a significantforce <strong>in</strong> public debates over the <strong>in</strong>terpretation of <strong>Islam</strong>. One hallmark ofsuch an orientation is a tendency to view “<strong>Islam</strong>” as one monolithic entity witha “pure” essence that must be preserved and protected from the “pollution” ofcultural and historical change. However, even <strong>in</strong> the face of the spread of suchfundamentalist visions of <strong>Islam</strong>, other Muslims argue for more subtle andadaptable approaches to def<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g their religion. For example, the contempora ry Iranian <strong>in</strong>tellectual Abdol Karim Soroush argues:There is no such th<strong>in</strong>g as a “pure” <strong>Islam</strong>, or an a-historical <strong>Islam</strong> that is outsidethe process of historical development. The actual lived experience of <strong>Islam</strong> hasalways been culturally and historically specific, and bound by the immediate circumstancesof its location <strong>in</strong> time and space. If we were to take a snapshot of <strong>Islam</strong>as it is lived today, it would reveal a diversity of lived experiences which areall different, yet exist<strong>in</strong>g simultaneously. (Quoted <strong>in</strong> Noor 2002, 15–16)This volume presents a series of such snapshots of contemporary <strong>Islam</strong> <strong>in</strong> geographicaland cultural contexts around the globe <strong>in</strong> order to present some senseof its richness and variety. The chapters that follow prompt us to move beyondsimplified essentializations of <strong>Islam</strong> to ask the who, what, where, and when of <strong>Islam</strong>icexpressions <strong>in</strong> work<strong>in</strong>g toward understand<strong>in</strong>gs of both historical and conte m p o r a ry phenomena. An exposure to such a comparative perspective helps ussee why abstracted or essentialized claims that <strong>Islam</strong> (or Christianity or Buddhismfor that matter) “says this” or “does that” should be viewed critically, especiallywhen they are uttered <strong>in</strong> politically charged public discourses.Political and Social Change <strong>in</strong> the Modern PeriodOne of the lead<strong>in</strong>g scholars of modern <strong>Islam</strong>ic history, John Voll, has writtenof three major themes visible <strong>in</strong> the eighteenth century: political decentralization,a reorientation of Sufi traditions, and religious revivalist movements (Vo l l1982, 34–38). The first of these can be seen <strong>in</strong> the development of the Ottoman,Mughal, and Safavid Empires that came to power <strong>in</strong> the Middle Eastand southern Asia after the collapse and fragmentation of the AbbasidCaliphate. In the eighteenth century, these large, agrarian states witnessed a

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