Islam in World Cultures: Comparative Perspectives - Islamic Books ...
Islam in World Cultures: Comparative Perspectives - Islamic Books ... Islam in World Cultures: Comparative Perspectives - Islamic Books ...
Peril and Possibility 3 0 1among African Americans. Some African American Muslims strongly defendthe need for separate black Muslim institutions, arguing that black autonomyand pride are necessary in the fight for black liberation. They often advocateethnic and racial particularity by arguing that the Qur’an itself sanctions suchactivity (49:13).C o n t e m p o r a ry Muslim communities, however, are divided not merely byrace but by language, ethnicity, class, and religious orientation as well. Sometimes,groups of Urdu, Persian, or Arabic speakers establish cultural centerswhere they can speak with each other in their first languages and celebratetheir particular linguistic and ethnic cultures. Other Muslim communities, especiallythe Islamic Center of Southern California, offer different models ofcommunal formation, working to create an explicitly interethnic, interracialcommunity of believers that relies on English as a common language.On the whole, however, mosques tend to be racialized (that is, divided byrace). The racial divide does not exist so much between different immigrantgroups as it does between immigrant and indigenous Muslims, who are by andlarge black. In the case of immigrants, there are several examples of SouthAsians and Arabs joining together to sustain Islamic centers throughout thec o u n t ry. Moreover, one might find a smattering of Iranians, Bosnians, We s tAfricans, African Americans, Turks, whites, Latinos, and others at these centers,especially for Friday prayers or major celebrations like id al-adha, w h i c hcomes at the end of the h a j j season. One recent surv e y, however, found muchless interethnic mixing at historically African American mosques. It should bestressed that there is no easy explanation for this segregation and that thosewho might blame African American Muslims for “self-segregation” are probablyblaming the victim. The racialized nature of the U.S. mosque reflectslarger trends in U.S. religion and in Christian churches in particular; it is oftensaid that Sunday morning church is the most segregated hour in America.The mosque, then, is another key public site where U.S. Muslim identitiesare negotiated and constructed. Well over 1,200 mosques are now located inU.S. inner cities, towns, and suburbs; the buildings themselves express a widevariety of architectural styles, and include converted city storefronts, grandMiddle Eastern–style structures, and small houses. Like some U.S. churches,synagogues, and other religious centers, mosques often house schools andrecreational areas, in addition to the m a s j i d (place of prostration, that is,prayer) proper. At times, the imam (prayer leader) of the mosque also acts asits administrative and spiritual leader, especially in many African Americanmosques. In these contexts, the imam performs duties similar to those of am i n i s t e r, priest, or rabbi. In other mosques, however, imams are relegated tothe role of teaching about Islam, delivering the Friday sermon, and leadingthe Friday prayers. An elected president or chairperson often acts as the leaderof these mosques. These persons generally maintain employment outside the
3 0 2Islam i n World Cult u r e smosque, and in the case of predominately immigrant mosques, they are generallyprofessionals of one sort or another. Many community leaders, whetherimams or committee members, work on a volunteer basis, receiving little or nocompensation for their services. Moreover, while many of them have attendedat least some college and may have even completed postgraduate degrees, lessthan half of U.S. mosque leaders have received any type of formal Islamic studieseducation.Debates over who should lead the mosque reflect a much larger questionabout what kind of Muslim identity is being created in these social spaces. Inthe past, some mosques have sponsored some of the same sorts of activitiesthat some Roman Catholic parishes have. In the Toledo Islamic Center of the1960s, for example, mosque members played bingo, performed the popularArab line dance called the d a b k a , and even enjoyed a beer or two together—one reminder of how easy it is to overgeneralize about Muslims. Some scholarsattribute such behavior to “Americanization.” Indeed, this particular use ofspace at the mosque in addition to its operation as a “voluntary organization”does seem to reflect larger trends in U.S. religion and culture. But the ideathat a Muslim could pray and fast—and drink and dance—is not distinctivelyAmerican. Such “impious” practices largely went unchallenged until the religiousrevival of the 1970s, especially when Saudi-trained imams began to serv eas leaders of various immigrant Muslim communities. To d a y, although oneshould not expect to find any beer kegs at mosque functions, the pendulum ofmosque leadership has swung again. Local communities tend more and moreto reject Muslim missionaries who do not provide interpretations of Islam relevantto their lives as U.S. Muslims.In addition to the mosque itself, Islamic schools, often connected to amosque, serve as places where Muslim children and adults construct theirMuslim identities. Most mosques feature some kind of weekend religious educationprogramming, especially on Sundays. As of 2004, there are also two U.S.Islamic colleges, one Shi’ite and one Sunni, that provide advanced training inIslamic studies. Perhaps more significantly, over 200 full-time primary and secon d a ry Muslim schools now operate across the United States. Approximately aquarter of these are Clara Muhammad Schools, associated with African AmericanMuslim leader W. D. Muhammad. Originally connected to Elijah Muhamma d ’s Nation of Islam, these schools offer the usual secular subject matter,such as math and reading, in addition to Qur’anic studies and Islamic history.Clara Muhammad Schools are generally located in the inner city and providean educational alternative to Muslim and non-Muslim African American parentsconcerned about the state of their public schools.The quality of these and other Muslim schools varies considerably, as dotheir approaches to issues of morality and piety. Some Muslim schools, for example,encourage responsible interaction among boys and girls both in class
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3 0 2<strong>Islam</strong> i n <strong>World</strong> Cult u r e smosque, and <strong>in</strong> the case of predom<strong>in</strong>ately immigrant mosques, they are generallyprofessionals of one sort or another. Many community leaders, whetherimams or committee members, work on a volunteer basis, receiv<strong>in</strong>g little or nocompensation for their services. Moreover, while many of them have attendedat least some college and may have even completed postgraduate degrees, lessthan half of U.S. mosque leaders have received any type of formal <strong>Islam</strong>ic studieseducation.Debates over who should lead the mosque reflect a much larger questionabout what k<strong>in</strong>d of Muslim identity is be<strong>in</strong>g created <strong>in</strong> these social spaces. Inthe past, some mosques have sponsored some of the same sorts of activitiesthat some Roman Catholic parishes have. In the Toledo <strong>Islam</strong>ic Center of the1960s, for example, mosque members played b<strong>in</strong>go, performed the popularArab l<strong>in</strong>e dance called the d a b k a , and even enjoyed a beer or two together—one rem<strong>in</strong>der of how easy it is to overgeneralize about Muslims. Some scholarsattribute such behavior to “Americanization.” Indeed, this particular use ofspace at the mosque <strong>in</strong> addition to its operation as a “voluntary organization”does seem to reflect larger trends <strong>in</strong> U.S. religion and culture. But the ideathat a Muslim could pray and fast—and dr<strong>in</strong>k and dance—is not dist<strong>in</strong>ctivelyAmerican. Such “impious” practices largely went unchallenged until the religiousrevival of the 1970s, especially when Saudi-tra<strong>in</strong>ed imams began to serv eas leaders of various immigrant Muslim communities. To d a y, although oneshould not expect to f<strong>in</strong>d any beer kegs at mosque functions, the pendulum ofmosque leadership has swung aga<strong>in</strong>. Local communities tend more and moreto reject Muslim missionaries who do not provide <strong>in</strong>terpretations of <strong>Islam</strong> relevantto their lives as U.S. Muslims.In addition to the mosque itself, <strong>Islam</strong>ic schools, often connected to amosque, serve as places where Muslim children and adults construct theirMuslim identities. Most mosques feature some k<strong>in</strong>d of weekend religious educationprogramm<strong>in</strong>g, especially on Sundays. As of 2004, there are also two U.S.<strong>Islam</strong>ic colleges, one Shi’ite and one Sunni, that provide advanced tra<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong><strong>Islam</strong>ic studies. Perhaps more significantly, over 200 full-time primary and secon d a ry Muslim schools now operate across the United States. Approximately aquarter of these are Clara Muhammad Schools, associated with African AmericanMuslim leader W. D. Muhammad. Orig<strong>in</strong>ally connected to Elijah Muhamma d ’s Nation of <strong>Islam</strong>, these schools offer the usual secular subject matter,such as math and read<strong>in</strong>g, <strong>in</strong> addition to Qur’anic studies and <strong>Islam</strong>ic history.Clara Muhammad Schools are generally located <strong>in</strong> the <strong>in</strong>ner city and providean educational alternative to Muslim and non-Muslim African American parentsconcerned about the state of their public schools.The quality of these and other Muslim schools varies considerably, as dotheir approaches to issues of morality and piety. Some Muslim schools, for example,encourage responsible <strong>in</strong>teraction among boys and girls both <strong>in</strong> class