Islam in World Cultures: Comparative Perspectives - Islamic Books ...

Islam in World Cultures: Comparative Perspectives - Islamic Books ... Islam in World Cultures: Comparative Perspectives - Islamic Books ...

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R ace, Ideology, and Islam in Contemporary South Africa 2 7 1The Muslim Personal Law Board set about to discuss the system “of personallaw and family law” allowed by the constitution. The members reached agreementon the desirability of the state’s recognition of Islamic personal law. Thisagreement is significant because the implementation of Muslim personal lawis only a small part of the Islamic legal code. The present Muslim personal lawis a product of the nineteenth century, a fact that has not been lost on criticswho argue that all of Islamic law should be applied. The Muslim Personal LawBoard, though, agreed that Muslim personal law should be applied to Muslimsin South Africa.However, the board split into two camps over the substantive content of thel a w. Wo m e n ’s interest groups and progressive Islamic organizations insistedthat the particular article in question should be read in its entirety. For them,the crux of the matter rested on the fact that the system of Islamic law implementedin the new South African state should be consistent with the “otherprovisions of the Constitution.” Thus, they argue that the system of Muslimpersonal law in South Africa should be interpreted with this condition inmind. Most important, they contend that this condition should ensure an interpretationof Islamic law that would not disadvantage women. The leadingand most articulate spokesperson for this new interpretation of Muslim personallaw has been Ebrahim Moosa. In both academic and newspaper articles,he has argued that many traditional provisions associated with the s h a r i ’ ashould be regarded as human rulings that were produced by earlier generationsof male scholars whose interpretations need no longer be held as valid(Moosa 1991, 1996a). Making a distinction between a divine and idealizedshari’a and humanly constructed fiqh, Moosa argued that the latter could bereconstructed in terms of the constitution. Moosa taught and inspired studentsand activists to revisit traditional issues in Islamic law. Reflecting this approach,Najma Moosa, a member of the new project committee, concurred:“Muslims can only give practical legal effect to the Constitution if due recognitionis given to a reformed [my emphasis] MPL [Muslim personal law] and itsimplementation” (Moosa 1998, 201). With Ebrahim Moosa in the lead, astrong and principled voice thus emerged for a significant reformulation ofIslamic law.Nevertheless, his view was not acceptable to all the members of the MuslimPersonal Law Board. Before looking at the key counterarguments, however, itwould be important to note that the innovative definitions and interpretationswere facing not only traditionalist rejections. The landmark case of Rylands v.E d ro s s in 1996 had raised the issue of the interpretation of Islamic law in court.The judgment revealed the impact of the new constitution, then still an interimconstitution, on the recognition of Islamic mores in South African societ y. The case involved a woman who demanded a fair share in the conjugal estateat the time of divorce. The marriage had been conducted only according

2 7 2Islam i n World Cult u r e sto Islamic rites and without state recognition. The judge appealed to the interimconstitution in turning against a long-standing legal tradition that consideredMuslim marriages potentially polygamous and thus against the dominantsocial norms of society. Since the constitution recognized the pluralistnature of South African society, the judge felt comfortable in extending legalrecognition to Muslim marriages:Can it be said, since the coming into operation of the new Constitution, that acontract concluded by parties which arises from a marriage relationship enteredinto by them in accordance with the rites of their religion and which infact is monogamous is “contrary to the accepted customs and usages which areregarded as morally binding upon all members of our society” or is “fundamentallyopposed to our principles and institutions”? I think not. (Rylands v. Edross1996, 708)The judge in this case was referring to a precedent involving an Islamic marriagethat was heard in 1983 in South Africa (Ismail v. Ismail 1983 [1] SA 1006[A]). In that case, the court refused to recognize a Muslim marriage on thegrounds that it was “potentially polygamous” and thus “void on grounds ofpublic policy.” In doing so, the judge noted the change brought about to thevalues of public policy by the Bill of Rights in the new constitution.But he then had to consider the issue of how to interpret this particularruling of Islamic law with regard to property acquired during an Islamic marriage.The contentious issue raised in the case was whether or not the wifewas entitled to an equitable share of the property accumulated by the husbandduring the marriage. Two competing interpretations were presented tohim. The first, led by Ebrahim Moosa on behalf of the plaintiff (the wife), arguedthat a Malaysian precedent had been established that property acquiredduring marriage should be equitably shared. The Malaysian case wasbased on a synthesis of Islamic law and local custom ( a d a t ) . Such coexistenceof Islamic law and local custom is not unusual in Islamic communities, butonly in Malaysia was such a synthesis officially recognized by courts of law.Moosa argued that such an approach ought to be followed in South Africa asw e l l .On the other hand, Alie Moosagie, the expert witness on behalf of the defendant(the husband), presented the opposing viewpoint that such a conditionof matrimonial property was not implied in Islamic law. He asserted thatIslamic law should be applied irrespective of any contextual application andinterpretation, and he did not present a counterargument to the contextualapplication espoused by Moosa. The judge picked up this nuance and insistedon a relevant South African custom. Since the Malaysian case depended on aparticular customary practice, the judge insisted on finding a similar practice

2 7 2<strong>Islam</strong> i n <strong>World</strong> Cult u r e sto <strong>Islam</strong>ic rites and without state recognition. The judge appealed to the <strong>in</strong>terimconstitution <strong>in</strong> turn<strong>in</strong>g aga<strong>in</strong>st a long-stand<strong>in</strong>g legal tradition that consideredMuslim marriages potentially polygamous and thus aga<strong>in</strong>st the dom<strong>in</strong>antsocial norms of society. S<strong>in</strong>ce the constitution recognized the pluralistnature of South African society, the judge felt comfortable <strong>in</strong> extend<strong>in</strong>g legalrecognition to Muslim marriages:Can it be said, s<strong>in</strong>ce the com<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>to operation of the new Constitution, that acontract concluded by parties which arises from a marriage relationship entered<strong>in</strong>to by them <strong>in</strong> accordance with the rites of their religion and which <strong>in</strong>fact is monogamous is “contrary to the accepted customs and usages which areregarded as morally b<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>g upon all members of our society” or is “fundamentallyopposed to our pr<strong>in</strong>ciples and <strong>in</strong>stitutions”? I th<strong>in</strong>k not. (Rylands v. Edross1996, 708)The judge <strong>in</strong> this case was referr<strong>in</strong>g to a precedent <strong>in</strong>volv<strong>in</strong>g an <strong>Islam</strong>ic marriagethat was heard <strong>in</strong> 1983 <strong>in</strong> South Africa (Ismail v. Ismail 1983 [1] SA 1006[A]). In that case, the court refused to recognize a Muslim marriage on thegrounds that it was “potentially polygamous” and thus “void on grounds ofpublic policy.” In do<strong>in</strong>g so, the judge noted the change brought about to thevalues of public policy by the Bill of Rights <strong>in</strong> the new constitution.But he then had to consider the issue of how to <strong>in</strong>terpret this particularrul<strong>in</strong>g of <strong>Islam</strong>ic law with regard to property acquired dur<strong>in</strong>g an <strong>Islam</strong>ic marriage.The contentious issue raised <strong>in</strong> the case was whether or not the wifewas entitled to an equitable share of the property accumulated by the husbanddur<strong>in</strong>g the marriage. Two compet<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>terpretations were presented tohim. The first, led by Ebrahim Moosa on behalf of the pla<strong>in</strong>tiff (the wife), arguedthat a Malaysian precedent had been established that property acquireddur<strong>in</strong>g marriage should be equitably shared. The Malaysian case wasbased on a synthesis of <strong>Islam</strong>ic law and local custom ( a d a t ) . Such coexistenceof <strong>Islam</strong>ic law and local custom is not unusual <strong>in</strong> <strong>Islam</strong>ic communities, butonly <strong>in</strong> Malaysia was such a synthesis officially recognized by courts of law.Moosa argued that such an approach ought to be followed <strong>in</strong> South Africa asw e l l .On the other hand, Alie Moosagie, the expert witness on behalf of the defendant(the husband), presented the oppos<strong>in</strong>g viewpo<strong>in</strong>t that such a conditionof matrimonial property was not implied <strong>in</strong> <strong>Islam</strong>ic law. He asserted that<strong>Islam</strong>ic law should be applied irrespective of any contextual application and<strong>in</strong>terpretation, and he did not present a counterargument to the contextualapplication espoused by Moosa. The judge picked up this nuance and <strong>in</strong>sistedon a relevant South African custom. S<strong>in</strong>ce the Malaysian case depended on aparticular customary practice, the judge <strong>in</strong>sisted on f<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>g a similar practice

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