Islam in World Cultures: Comparative Perspectives - Islamic Books ...
Islam in World Cultures: Comparative Perspectives - Islamic Books ... Islam in World Cultures: Comparative Perspectives - Islamic Books ...
R ace, Ideology, and Islam in Contemporary South Africa 2 6 3grams, the organization was successful in raising new awareness of issues relatingto various aspects of Islamic thought and practice. In addition, on a corporaterather than an individual level, it represented the body of scholars andimams who served the congregations in the region. The Jamiat Ulama Natal( h t t p : / / w w w.jamiat.org.za/) and the Muslim Judicial Councils in Natal andCape Town performed similar functions in their respective regions. However,despite this progress in the religious sphere, the religious authorities associatedwith these groups continued to accept the construction of the racializedMuslim subject as an essential aspect of South African politics.Beyond the borders of the country, however, these Muslim organizationsestablished and maintained active contacts with international Islamic bodies,especially with institutions where South African religious scholars themselveshad studied. For instance, many members of the Jamiat in the Transvaal andNatal were from the networks of the Deoband or Bareilly schools in India.These groups differed in either promoting popular Sufi practices (Bareilly)or rejecting them as innovations (Deoband), and the two trends reflected theclass origins of different groups of Indian Muslims in the nineteenth century.On the other hand, many Muslim Judicial Council members had studied inArab countries, especially in Mecca, Medina, and Cairo. Upon returning toSouth Africa, they continued and expanded upon patterns of interaction withthe Arab world that had begun in the nineteenth century. The best-known exampleof such contact was the so-called Transvaal fatwa, a published juridicalopinion by the famous Egyptian Muslim modernist Muhammad Abduh, issuedin response to a question posed by a South African correspondent(Adams 1968).Abduh was asked whether it was permissible for Muslims to consume meatslaughtered by Christians and Jews, to wear European hats, and to performworship behind a leader of a different school of Muslim jurisprudence. Followinghis modernist interpretation of Islamic law, Abduh answered yes to allthese questions, and this marked a significant point in the development ofmodernist Islamic thought in South Africa. The fatwa advocated a more integrativeapproach between Muslims from diverse schools of thought, but italso anticipated later discussions about relations between Muslims and non-Muslims. However, most of the religious leadership in South Africa at thetime followed not this trend but the more religiously traditional approachesemanating from the Muslim world. Nevertheless, Abduh’s comments demonstratethe global connection of ideas and people between South Africa andthe wider Muslim world. This trend continued throughout the twentieth centuryeven under apartheid, when officials selectively granted permission andopportunities for such contacts and correspondence. Sometimes, at least, this“liberality” was due to the fact that some apartheid officials, otherwise veryhostile to Islam, opportunistically promoted such religious contact and ad-
2 6 4Islam i n World Cult u r e sherence to counter a perceived communist, atheistic assault against the“Christian” values of apartheid.Irrespective of conservative or modernist slant, the introduction of new Islamicreformist ideas from the Arab world and the Indian Subcontinent led toa greater awareness of text-based definitions of Islamic orthodoxy as opposedto more popular religious practices. As a result, in the modern period, Islam inSouth African society has witnessed an increasing degree of devotion to suchreligious obligations as daily prayers, fasting, and regular pilgrimage. The associatedincrease in the number of South African mosques and South Africanpilgrims to Mecca cannot be ignored. Since the 1980s, about 5,000 individualsgo on pilgrimage annually. At home, worshipers attend daily prayers atmosques, and overflowing crowds at Friday prayers can bring traffic in someMuslim neighborhoods to a standstill. This increase in public displays of pietyhas led to a public presence for Islam in contemporary South Africa that is remarkablypalpable in spite of the small percentage of Muslims in the population.However, while these practices were overtly based on the s h a r i ’ a , they attimes also continue to reflect the racialized social contexts of apartheid. Thus,for example, new mosques were built specifically for the respective ethnic populationsof both Indian and Coloured/Malay group areas. Different religiousschools were established in these racial ghettoes as well. All places of worship,including mosques, were granted recognition by the state through the specialallocation of sites for religious development in the racially segregated areas. Inthe overwhelming number of cases, the communities accepted these conditions.Thus, the greater degree of devotion and adherence to religion was inextricablefrom the racial categories under the apartheid state.These aspects of Islamic social life in South Africa in the twentieth centurypresented growing and sustained challenges to religious leaders and scholars.The growth of modern education produced a new Muslim elite whose membershad not been educated in traditional Islamic religious institutions andwho could challenge the traditional authority of the u l a m a in society.Over the course of the twentieth century, Islam in South Africa took on twodistinctive features: First, its political character was closely tied to the questionof race and racism, and second, it was deeply involved in debates over issues relatingto the contestation of religious authority and the rise of Islamic modernism.The first feature has been most evident in the Cape; Muslim teachersand students in Cape Town came to reject the racial construction of the Malayi d e n t i t y. The Malay racial identity had been constructed to suit the political ideologyof apartheid, and the Muslim Teachers Association regarded it with contempt.In response to I. D. du Plessis’s book on the Malays, the association arguedthat “the book propagates Islam as a Malay religion whereas Islam is auniversal religion and has only one law for all Muslims throughout the world”(quoted in Jeppie 1987, 80). Increasingly frequent statements of such senti-
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2 6 4<strong>Islam</strong> i n <strong>World</strong> Cult u r e sherence to counter a perceived communist, atheistic assault aga<strong>in</strong>st the“Christian” values of apartheid.Irrespective of conservative or modernist slant, the <strong>in</strong>troduction of new <strong>Islam</strong>icreformist ideas from the Arab world and the Indian Subcont<strong>in</strong>ent led toa greater awareness of text-based def<strong>in</strong>itions of <strong>Islam</strong>ic orthodoxy as opposedto more popular religious practices. As a result, <strong>in</strong> the modern period, <strong>Islam</strong> <strong>in</strong>South African society has witnessed an <strong>in</strong>creas<strong>in</strong>g degree of devotion to suchreligious obligations as daily prayers, fast<strong>in</strong>g, and regular pilgrimage. The associated<strong>in</strong>crease <strong>in</strong> the number of South African mosques and South Africanpilgrims to Mecca cannot be ignored. S<strong>in</strong>ce the 1980s, about 5,000 <strong>in</strong>dividualsgo on pilgrimage annually. At home, worshipers attend daily prayers atmosques, and overflow<strong>in</strong>g crowds at Friday prayers can br<strong>in</strong>g traffic <strong>in</strong> someMuslim neighborhoods to a standstill. This <strong>in</strong>crease <strong>in</strong> public displays of pietyhas led to a public presence for <strong>Islam</strong> <strong>in</strong> contemporary South Africa that is remarkablypalpable <strong>in</strong> spite of the small percentage of Muslims <strong>in</strong> the population.However, while these practices were overtly based on the s h a r i ’ a , they attimes also cont<strong>in</strong>ue to reflect the racialized social contexts of apartheid. Thus,for example, new mosques were built specifically for the respective ethnic populationsof both Indian and Coloured/Malay group areas. Different religiousschools were established <strong>in</strong> these racial ghettoes as well. All places of worship,<strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g mosques, were granted recognition by the state through the specialallocation of sites for religious development <strong>in</strong> the racially segregated areas. Inthe overwhelm<strong>in</strong>g number of cases, the communities accepted these conditions.Thus, the greater degree of devotion and adherence to religion was <strong>in</strong>extricablefrom the racial categories under the apartheid state.These aspects of <strong>Islam</strong>ic social life <strong>in</strong> South Africa <strong>in</strong> the twentieth centurypresented grow<strong>in</strong>g and susta<strong>in</strong>ed challenges to religious leaders and scholars.The growth of modern education produced a new Muslim elite whose membershad not been educated <strong>in</strong> traditional <strong>Islam</strong>ic religious <strong>in</strong>stitutions andwho could challenge the traditional authority of the u l a m a <strong>in</strong> society.Over the course of the twentieth century, <strong>Islam</strong> <strong>in</strong> South Africa took on twodist<strong>in</strong>ctive features: First, its political character was closely tied to the questionof race and racism, and second, it was deeply <strong>in</strong>volved <strong>in</strong> debates over issues relat<strong>in</strong>gto the contestation of religious authority and the rise of <strong>Islam</strong>ic modernism.The first feature has been most evident <strong>in</strong> the Cape; Muslim teachersand students <strong>in</strong> Cape Town came to reject the racial construction of the Malayi d e n t i t y. The Malay racial identity had been constructed to suit the political ideologyof apartheid, and the Muslim Teachers Association regarded it with contempt.In response to I. D. du Plessis’s book on the Malays, the association arguedthat “the book propagates <strong>Islam</strong> as a Malay religion whereas <strong>Islam</strong> is auniversal religion and has only one law for all Muslims throughout the world”(quoted <strong>in</strong> Jeppie 1987, 80). Increas<strong>in</strong>gly frequent statements of such senti-