Islam in World Cultures: Comparative Perspectives - Islamic Books ...

Islam in World Cultures: Comparative Perspectives - Islamic Books ... Islam in World Cultures: Comparative Perspectives - Islamic Books ...

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Religion, Language, and Nat i o n a l i s m 2 4 3ings from God. Regardless the motivations, since the early 1990s, there hasbeen increasing Harari observance of the post-Ramadhan fast.H i s t o r i c a l l y, I was told, mostly old people and women would fast and devoteextra time to study and prayer during the additional week of fasting. A numberof testimonies also indicated that increasing numbers of young Harari todayfast as well, because when they do so their parents permit them to go out atnight to eat and visit friends, which gives them the opportunity to have funand meet members of the opposite sex. 3 One friend, about forty years old, toldme he was fasting that year for the first time because his wife had decided todo so and he did not feel right about her fasting without him.The observation of the post-Ramadhan fast is marked by celebrationsthroughout Harar, which takes on a festival-like atmosphere, and since the1990s the celebrations have become a tourist event for non-Muslim Ethiopiansfrom the capital and elsewhere. During the final days, there are big celebrations,larger in some places than those signaling the end of Ramadhan. Thegeneral atmosphere is merry, and there are d h i k r ceremonies throughouttown. One, near the Erer Gate of the town wall, takes place during the lastthree nights of the week. It is held in a room and led by a s h a y k h , a c c o m p a n i e dby numerous people with wooden hand clappers and several drummers. Atthe sessions I attended, prayer songs—in Harari and Arabic—were led by variouspersons, and both men and women (many of whom were youngteenagers) danced, most with infectious enthusiasm. Some women had theirheads covered, and almost all jumped up and down, smiling broadly, clappingand singing loudly with the prayer leader. Most adults were chewing q a t , a leafthat produces narcotic-like effects and is often used in conjunction with religiousstudy and other activities. 4 N o t a b l y, the attendees included not only Muslimsbut also Christians, two of whom flanked the s h a y k h .Harari Identity and Ethiopian Nationalism in HararSocial scientists have often found that social or political conflict exposes underlyingissues and emotions that are otherwise difficult to discern. On May 6,1998, a border dispute erupted into war between Ethiopia and Eritrea, bothof whose central governments are dominated by Tigrinya-speaking Christians.In the immediate wake of the conflict, however, a broad base of support ralliedin Ethiopia around the central government. Surely, many observ e r sthought, smoldering resentment against Eritrea, which had attained its independencefrom Ethiopia in 1993, contributed to this support, as did more recentanger at Eritrea’s having rejected the birr, Ethiopia’s currency, so that itcould print its own money. 5 But the two sides failed to reach a peaceful settlement,and my conversations with Harari and other Ethiopians revealed much

2 4 4Islam i n World Cult u r e sdeeper emotions and an underlying sense of satisfaction with the present nationalsystem. 6They explained that during Haile Selassie’s reign and that of the subsequentmilitary dictatorship, being Ethiopian meant not being permitted to enjoyan ethnic identity, or rather, being permitted only an Ethiopian nationalistone. This Ethiopian nationalist identity was then made up of speakingAmharic and prioritizing the development and well-being of the country as awhole rather than just one’s own area. It meant seeing history in terms of theentire nation and in terms of interpretations dominated by the center, a viewpointthat incorporated the periphery only as it played a positive role in centristpolicies. Although lip service was paid to other religions, being Ethiopianalso inherently meant being associated with an Orthodox Christian identity,even though much of the country was Muslim and other religions were practicedtoo.According to many Harari and other Muslims in eastern Ethiopia, beingEthiopian today means different things. Primarily, it means having the legalfreedom to acknowledge, to be proud of, and to develop local cultures andlanguages. It means being able to give ethnic identities priority over the nationalone and being able to write one’s own history with one’s own interpretation,or, as it is commonly or popularly put, to write the “truth.” It means beingable to reject the old, standard, nationalist history claim that only positive influencesradiate from the center. Even more important, being Ethiopian todaymeans having the freedom to practice religions other than Orthodox Christi a n i t y, including Islam. When I pushed Harari, Somali, and other people onthese points, I was told that in the new Ethiopia, the group identity that is prioritizedis an ethno-linguistic one. People associate this shift with freedom andwith making up for past oppression. 7 As such, many Muslims in Ethiopia todayappreciate the present central government, which implements and continuesto support these policies.Concluding RemarksE t h i o p i a ’s new political system has opened further possibilities for the country ’s diverse peoples, including large numbers of Muslims who had been sidelinedby governments in the past. As a result, the Muslims of Harar have becomemore willing to accept and support the Christian-dominated nationalgovernment. Their political awareness and involvement is considerable, andthough they have embarked upon a quest to recapture and build up theirc o m m u n i t y ’s ethnic and religious pride, they also readily emphasize that theyare nevertheless also “Ethiopian.”Government policies have succeeded for the most part in subsuming reli-

2 4 4<strong>Islam</strong> i n <strong>World</strong> Cult u r e sdeeper emotions and an underly<strong>in</strong>g sense of satisfaction with the present nationalsystem. 6They expla<strong>in</strong>ed that dur<strong>in</strong>g Haile Selassie’s reign and that of the subsequentmilitary dictatorship, be<strong>in</strong>g Ethiopian meant not be<strong>in</strong>g permitted to enjoyan ethnic identity, or rather, be<strong>in</strong>g permitted only an Ethiopian nationalistone. This Ethiopian nationalist identity was then made up of speak<strong>in</strong>gAmharic and prioritiz<strong>in</strong>g the development and well-be<strong>in</strong>g of the country as awhole rather than just one’s own area. It meant see<strong>in</strong>g history <strong>in</strong> terms of theentire nation and <strong>in</strong> terms of <strong>in</strong>terpretations dom<strong>in</strong>ated by the center, a viewpo<strong>in</strong>tthat <strong>in</strong>corporated the periphery only as it played a positive role <strong>in</strong> centristpolicies. Although lip service was paid to other religions, be<strong>in</strong>g Ethiopianalso <strong>in</strong>herently meant be<strong>in</strong>g associated with an Orthodox Christian identity,even though much of the country was Muslim and other religions were practicedtoo.Accord<strong>in</strong>g to many Harari and other Muslims <strong>in</strong> eastern Ethiopia, be<strong>in</strong>gEthiopian today means different th<strong>in</strong>gs. Primarily, it means hav<strong>in</strong>g the legalfreedom to acknowledge, to be proud of, and to develop local cultures andlanguages. It means be<strong>in</strong>g able to give ethnic identities priority over the nationalone and be<strong>in</strong>g able to write one’s own history with one’s own <strong>in</strong>terpretation,or, as it is commonly or popularly put, to write the “truth.” It means be<strong>in</strong>gable to reject the old, standard, nationalist history claim that only positive <strong>in</strong>fluencesradiate from the center. Even more important, be<strong>in</strong>g Ethiopian todaymeans hav<strong>in</strong>g the freedom to practice religions other than Orthodox Christi a n i t y, <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g <strong>Islam</strong>. When I pushed Harari, Somali, and other people onthese po<strong>in</strong>ts, I was told that <strong>in</strong> the new Ethiopia, the group identity that is prioritizedis an ethno-l<strong>in</strong>guistic one. People associate this shift with freedom andwith mak<strong>in</strong>g up for past oppression. 7 As such, many Muslims <strong>in</strong> Ethiopia todayappreciate the present central government, which implements and cont<strong>in</strong>uesto support these policies.Conclud<strong>in</strong>g RemarksE t h i o p i a ’s new political system has opened further possibilities for the country ’s diverse peoples, <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g large numbers of Muslims who had been sidel<strong>in</strong>edby governments <strong>in</strong> the past. As a result, the Muslims of Harar have becomemore will<strong>in</strong>g to accept and support the Christian-dom<strong>in</strong>ated nationalgovernment. Their political awareness and <strong>in</strong>volvement is considerable, andthough they have embarked upon a quest to recapture and build up theirc o m m u n i t y ’s ethnic and religious pride, they also readily emphasize that theyare nevertheless also “Ethiopian.”Government policies have succeeded for the most part <strong>in</strong> subsum<strong>in</strong>g reli-

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