Islam in World Cultures: Comparative Perspectives - Islamic Books ...

Islam in World Cultures: Comparative Perspectives - Islamic Books ... Islam in World Cultures: Comparative Perspectives - Islamic Books ...

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H i s to r i cal Introduction and Overv i e w 1 1ities documenting the transmission of that information across the generations( i s n a d ) . During the ninth century, the myriad h a d i t h that Muslims had come totransmit and discuss—a vast amount of oral material conveying both the i s n a dand the m a t n—were written down and compiled into a number of collections.Six of these compilations have since come to be regarded as especially authoritativeby Sunni Muslims.Although some of these six books boast titles that include the words“sound” or “authoritative” ( s a h i h ) , throughout the centuries Muslims have continuedto energetically discuss this material, how the authentication of varioush a d i t h is to be evaluated, and how they are to be applied to governing the livesof individuals and the community. The early twentieth century saw a resurgenceof activity in the field of hadith criticism, especially in debates over thecriteria for determining the authenticity of hadith texts through critical examinationsof their chains of transmission (Juynboll 1969). Since the 1970s, howev e r, such debates on the authentication of h a d i t h have become more marginalizedin Muslim discourses. Increasingly today, critical approaches to theauthentication of h a d i t h are met with hostility by those who adhere to modernunderstandings of the sunna that uncritically assert the collective “soundness”and authority of all the individual h a d i t h in certain collections. This phenomenonis evidenced, for example, in the growing number of modern Muslimpublications in Arabic and other languages that relate h a d i t h by reproducingm a t n while at the same time omitting the accompanying i s n a d . Such texts excisethe very part of the h a d i t h that has traditionally been the focus of most activityin the field of Muslim h a d i t h criticism. The use of such publications byc o n t e m p o r a ry Muslims has contributed to important changes in popular understandingsof the sources of the tradition and in the way the Prophet’s teachingsare understood and interpreted in many parts of the world today.Islam after Muhammad: Political Succession andthe Formation of TraditionM u h a m m a d ’s charismatic career of religious, social, political, and militaryleadership was so remarkable that when he died, it is said, some of his followerscould not believe he was mortal. The tradition records, however, that whenhis oldest companion, Abu Bakr, publicly announced the passing of theProphet, he said, “Oh people, those who worshipped Muhammad [must knowthat] Muhammad is dead; those who worshipped God [must know that] Godis alive [and] immortal” (al-Tabari 1990, 185). In this, we have a crystalline expressionof what was undoubtedly the resolution of a much larger and moreambiguous dilemma centered on how, if at all, the movement was to continueafter the Prophet’s death and who would lead the Muslim community as his

1 2Islam i n World Cult u r e ss u c c e s s o r. Most Muslims were convinced that Muhammad had died not onlywithout leaving sons but also without making any clear and undisputed statementon who was to succeed him or how the community was to be governed.Some, however, contended that in fact Muhammad had appointed a successorin a statement he made at Ghadir Khumm. This group claimed that theProphet had designated his cousin and son-in-law Ali ibn Abi Talib to take hisplace as leader of the community. Those who argued for Ali as successor wereto become known as the Shi’a (“partisans [of Ali]”), who have remained a minorityin the broader Muslim population to this day.Most Muslims, however, rejected these arguments for determining Muhamma d ’s successor, contending that they had not been present at Ghadir Khummand that they did not believe the event even took place. Thus they saw no reasonto submit to Ali’s leadership and instead were left to find other ways to determinethe succession to Muhammad. Furthermore, some who had initiallysupported Ali’s leadership of the community became disillusioned and split toform their own community, and they have come to be known as the Kharijites.The divisions between these various groups did not disappear when the immediatepolitical struggles were resolved. Instead, the groups continued alongparallel historical tracts, developing complex elaborations of ideas on the religiousimplications of their political histories and sometimes dividing even furtheramong themselves over variant interpretations of these developments.To d a y, Shi’ites form a ruling majority in Iran, and their place in the administrationof a post–Saddam Hussein Iraq—where they also form a demographicmajority—is yet to be determined. Most Shi’ites in both of those countriesare of the Ithna’ashirite sect, which acknowledges a succession of twelvespiritual leaders (also referred to as imams) in the line of Ali. This group comprisesthe largest number of Shi’ites in the world today. However, there arealso a number of other Shi’ite groups, including the Zaydis and variousbranches of the Isma’ilis, who comprise significant (but mostly minority) segmentsof the Muslim populations of Yemen, Pakistan, India, and a number ofcountries in sub-Saharan Africa. In East Africa, one finds populations of Ibadisas well, latter-day followers of the Kharijites who also form a ruling majority inc o n t e m p o r a ry Oman.H o w e v e r, throughout the history of Islam, the majority of Muslims were notKharijites or Shi’ites of any type. Rather, they were of the orientation that latercame to refer to itself as “Sunni,” or more properly, the ahl al-sunna wa’l-jama’a,“people of the way [of the Prophet] and the community.” The Sunnis determinedsuccession to leadership of the community not through familial descentbut through a consensus of the leaders of the community. The first foursuccessors chosen in this way were all personal friends and companions ofMuhammad, and within the tradition, they came to be referred to collectivelyas the four “rightly guided caliphs.”

1 2<strong>Islam</strong> i n <strong>World</strong> Cult u r e ss u c c e s s o r. Most Muslims were conv<strong>in</strong>ced that Muhammad had died not onlywithout leav<strong>in</strong>g sons but also without mak<strong>in</strong>g any clear and undisputed statementon who was to succeed him or how the community was to be governed.Some, however, contended that <strong>in</strong> fact Muhammad had appo<strong>in</strong>ted a successor<strong>in</strong> a statement he made at Ghadir Khumm. This group claimed that theProphet had designated his cous<strong>in</strong> and son-<strong>in</strong>-law Ali ibn Abi Talib to take hisplace as leader of the community. Those who argued for Ali as successor wereto become known as the Shi’a (“partisans [of Ali]”), who have rema<strong>in</strong>ed a m<strong>in</strong>ority<strong>in</strong> the broader Muslim population to this day.Most Muslims, however, rejected these arguments for determ<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g Muhamma d ’s successor, contend<strong>in</strong>g that they had not been present at Ghadir Khummand that they did not believe the event even took place. Thus they saw no reasonto submit to Ali’s leadership and <strong>in</strong>stead were left to f<strong>in</strong>d other ways to determ<strong>in</strong>ethe succession to Muhammad. Furthermore, some who had <strong>in</strong>itiallysupported Ali’s leadership of the community became disillusioned and split toform their own community, and they have come to be known as the Kharijites.The divisions between these various groups did not disappear when the immediatepolitical struggles were resolved. Instead, the groups cont<strong>in</strong>ued alongparallel historical tracts, develop<strong>in</strong>g complex elaborations of ideas on the religiousimplications of their political histories and sometimes divid<strong>in</strong>g even furtheramong themselves over variant <strong>in</strong>terpretations of these developments.To d a y, Shi’ites form a rul<strong>in</strong>g majority <strong>in</strong> Iran, and their place <strong>in</strong> the adm<strong>in</strong>istrationof a post–Saddam Husse<strong>in</strong> Iraq—where they also form a demographicmajority—is yet to be determ<strong>in</strong>ed. Most Shi’ites <strong>in</strong> both of those countriesare of the Ithna’ashirite sect, which acknowledges a succession of twelvespiritual leaders (also referred to as imams) <strong>in</strong> the l<strong>in</strong>e of Ali. This group comprisesthe largest number of Shi’ites <strong>in</strong> the world today. However, there arealso a number of other Shi’ite groups, <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g the Zaydis and variousbranches of the Isma’ilis, who comprise significant (but mostly m<strong>in</strong>ority) segmentsof the Muslim populations of Yemen, Pakistan, India, and a number ofcountries <strong>in</strong> sub-Saharan Africa. In East Africa, one f<strong>in</strong>ds populations of Ibadisas well, latter-day followers of the Kharijites who also form a rul<strong>in</strong>g majority <strong>in</strong>c o n t e m p o r a ry Oman.H o w e v e r, throughout the history of <strong>Islam</strong>, the majority of Muslims were notKharijites or Shi’ites of any type. Rather, they were of the orientation that latercame to refer to itself as “Sunni,” or more properly, the ahl al-sunna wa’l-jama’a,“people of the way [of the Prophet] and the community.” The Sunnis determ<strong>in</strong>edsuccession to leadership of the community not through familial descentbut through a consensus of the leaders of the community. The first foursuccessors chosen <strong>in</strong> this way were all personal friends and companions ofMuhammad, and with<strong>in</strong> the tradition, they came to be referred to collectivelyas the four “rightly guided caliphs.”

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