Islam in World Cultures: Comparative Perspectives - Islamic Books ...
Islam in World Cultures: Comparative Perspectives - Islamic Books ... Islam in World Cultures: Comparative Perspectives - Islamic Books ...
Muslim Thought and Practice in Contemporary Indonesia 1 9 3o b s e rvances, these ships also carried Southeast Asian Muslims who stayedlonger in the Middle East (Snouck 1931). In this period, more Muslim studentsfrom the archipelago could follow the footsteps of Shaykh Yusuf andAbd al-Samad to Arabia than were ever before conceivable.These same developments also fostered a massive increase in the numbersof new immigrants to the archipelago, including a considerable number ofArabs from the Hadhramawt region along the coast of Yemen. Given thatthese rapid increases in the numbers of Indonesian h a j j is and new Arab immigrantsto the archipelago were made possible by technology introduced fromEurope and by the policies of colonial population movements, it is ironic thatthey were ultimately the source of considerable concern and conflict for colonialpowers in the region. For example, religious leaders from Yemen whoclaimed to be descended from the Prophet Muhammad himself were believedto have been important influences in the Aceh Wa r. This conflict preventedDutch power from achieving the subjugation of Sumatra for decades in thelate nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. In this movement, not only didthe local u l a m a (religious leaders) mobilize their p e s a n t re n and t a re k a t n e t w o r k sfor struggle, but they also succeeded in presenting their cause as a distinctly Islamicone. Muslim leaders accomplished this both locally, such as by popularizingpoems and songs on the virtues of j i h a d , and globally, by tapping intoanticolonial discourses in the broader Muslim world.The reconstructed image of a global Islamic opposition to European colonialrule was a powerful symbol that was meaningful for more than just thoseinvolved in the regional Muslim resistance movements in Indonesia. The ideawas increasingly significant to the Dutch as well. The development of a Dutch“Orientalist” image of Islam, which came along with what Europe imagined Isla m ’s role to be in the so-called Netherlands East Indies, also proceeded rapidlyin the later nineteenth century. At that time, colonial officials in the archipelago,along with diplomatic staff at the new Dutch consulate in Jeddah,turned a new eye toward the activities of Islamic networks—especially those ofSufi t a re k a t like the Naqshbandiyya—that connected Muslim movements inSoutheast Asia to broader, pan-Islamic ideologies (Laffan 2003).The rapid expansion of such Sufi orders during the latter half of the nineteenthcentury followed and further enhanced preexisting Islamic networks inthe archipelago. During this time, the p e s a n t re n experienced phenomenalgrowth and development. Although there had long been a tradition of Islamiceducation in the region, its appeal seemed to strengthen proportionately to intensifyingDutch colonial control. This may have been in part due to the factthat these institutions were thought to be free from European influence andalso independent of the “official Islam” of the local ruling aristocracies, whichwere believed to have been co-opted by the European colonials. Such local politicalfactors combined with patterns of a broader, global Islamic revival to
1 9 4Islam i n World Cult u r e sproduce key changes in the institutional character of Indonesian Islam. Forexample, Azyumardi Azra has written that between 1850 and 1900, the numberof p e s a n t re n in Java alone grew from under 2,000 to nearly 15,000; the numberof students trained in them increased from about 16,000 to over 220,000(Azra 1997, 164). Muslim Indonesians in the latter part of the nineteenth centu ry also witnessed a phenomenal growth in the production of Islamic religioustexts in Arabic and Malay by Southeast Asian religious scholars. Manysuch texts used in the p e s a n t re n curriculum were originally produced in Arabiaby Southeast Asians who spent many years in the Arabian peninsula, studying,living, marrying, and even dying there, like Al-Nawawi al-Banteni, Abd al-Ghani Bima, and Ahmad Patani.In many ways, the nineteenth century might be seen as a golden age for thedevelopment of the Indonesian p e s a n t re n tradition and its associated traditionsof Muslim texts and Islamic learning. The manuscript culture of the p e s a n t re n ,the kitab kuning genre, and the Sufi t a re k a t had reached their apex by the endof this period. Over the course of the century that followed, however, majorchanges came upon this constellation of institutions. Against a backdrop ofchanging global conditions, including the ongoing challenges of religiousc o m m u n i t y, diversity, and change, the promise of Indonesian nationhood andself-determination led to another reconfiguration of the ways that IndonesianMuslims imagined the ideals and traditions of Islamic learning and the developmentof Muslim religious life.The Rise of Muslim Modernism in Southeast AsiaThe world of Muslim Southeast Asia underwent tremendous social, economic,cultural, and intellectual changes at the turn of the twentieth century. A numberof influences, although long in effect and coming from both Europe andthe wider Muslim world, were becoming increasingly pronounced in SoutheastAsia. These forces interacted with a complex array of local institutions toproduce new expressions of Malay-Muslim culture. In particular, changes inMuslim education fostered the emergence of more-heterogeneous voices,which challenged, on new bases, the position of the established u l a m a as theauthoritative interpreters of Islamic tradition. In Indonesia, a number of newfigures emerged in this period who offered alternative perspectives withinpublic discussion of religious and social issues, thus creating a new possiblestyle of intellectual leadership for the community.Criticizing what they viewed as the resigned and quietist behavior of sometraditionalist u l a m a , a number of Muslim reformists called for scholars to takea more active role in the affairs of the society in which they lived. The newmodel of the activist Muslim scholar came to be a scholar whose institutional
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Muslim Thought and Practice <strong>in</strong> Contemporary Indonesia 1 9 3o b s e rvances, these ships also carried Southeast Asian Muslims who stayedlonger <strong>in</strong> the Middle East (Snouck 1931). In this period, more Muslim studentsfrom the archipelago could follow the footsteps of Shaykh Yusuf andAbd al-Samad to Arabia than were ever before conceivable.These same developments also fostered a massive <strong>in</strong>crease <strong>in</strong> the numbersof new immigrants to the archipelago, <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g a considerable number ofArabs from the Hadhramawt region along the coast of Yemen. Given thatthese rapid <strong>in</strong>creases <strong>in</strong> the numbers of Indonesian h a j j is and new Arab immigrantsto the archipelago were made possible by technology <strong>in</strong>troduced fromEurope and by the policies of colonial population movements, it is ironic thatthey were ultimately the source of considerable concern and conflict for colonialpowers <strong>in</strong> the region. For example, religious leaders from Yemen whoclaimed to be descended from the Prophet Muhammad himself were believedto have been important <strong>in</strong>fluences <strong>in</strong> the Aceh Wa r. This conflict preventedDutch power from achiev<strong>in</strong>g the subjugation of Sumatra for decades <strong>in</strong> thelate n<strong>in</strong>eteenth and early twentieth centuries. In this movement, not only didthe local u l a m a (religious leaders) mobilize their p e s a n t re n and t a re k a t n e t w o r k sfor struggle, but they also succeeded <strong>in</strong> present<strong>in</strong>g their cause as a dist<strong>in</strong>ctly <strong>Islam</strong>icone. Muslim leaders accomplished this both locally, such as by populariz<strong>in</strong>gpoems and songs on the virtues of j i h a d , and globally, by tapp<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>toanticolonial discourses <strong>in</strong> the broader Muslim world.The reconstructed image of a global <strong>Islam</strong>ic opposition to European colonialrule was a powerful symbol that was mean<strong>in</strong>gful for more than just those<strong>in</strong>volved <strong>in</strong> the regional Muslim resistance movements <strong>in</strong> Indonesia. The ideawas <strong>in</strong>creas<strong>in</strong>gly significant to the Dutch as well. The development of a Dutch“Orientalist” image of <strong>Islam</strong>, which came along with what Europe imag<strong>in</strong>ed Isla m ’s role to be <strong>in</strong> the so-called Netherlands East Indies, also proceeded rapidly<strong>in</strong> the later n<strong>in</strong>eteenth century. At that time, colonial officials <strong>in</strong> the archipelago,along with diplomatic staff at the new Dutch consulate <strong>in</strong> Jeddah,turned a new eye toward the activities of <strong>Islam</strong>ic networks—especially those ofSufi t a re k a t like the Naqshbandiyya—that connected Muslim movements <strong>in</strong>Southeast Asia to broader, pan-<strong>Islam</strong>ic ideologies (Laffan 2003).The rapid expansion of such Sufi orders dur<strong>in</strong>g the latter half of the n<strong>in</strong>eteenthcentury followed and further enhanced preexist<strong>in</strong>g <strong>Islam</strong>ic networks <strong>in</strong>the archipelago. Dur<strong>in</strong>g this time, the p e s a n t re n experienced phenomenalgrowth and development. Although there had long been a tradition of <strong>Islam</strong>iceducation <strong>in</strong> the region, its appeal seemed to strengthen proportionately to <strong>in</strong>tensify<strong>in</strong>gDutch colonial control. This may have been <strong>in</strong> part due to the factthat these <strong>in</strong>stitutions were thought to be free from European <strong>in</strong>fluence andalso <strong>in</strong>dependent of the “official <strong>Islam</strong>” of the local rul<strong>in</strong>g aristocracies, whichwere believed to have been co-opted by the European colonials. Such local politicalfactors comb<strong>in</strong>ed with patterns of a broader, global <strong>Islam</strong>ic revival to