Islam in World Cultures: Comparative Perspectives - Islamic Books ...
Islam in World Cultures: Comparative Perspectives - Islamic Books ... Islam in World Cultures: Comparative Perspectives - Islamic Books ...
Islam in Contemporary Central Asia 1 3 7group in society. These differences have had important consequences duringthe modern period.Reform and ModernismPractices associated with the transmission of Islam survived the Russian conquest.Painfully aware of the thinness of Russian rule in the area and of its distancefrom Saint Petersburg and supremely confident of the superiority of theEuropean civilization they brought to Central Asia, Russian administrators embarkedon a policy of disregarding or ignoring Islam, assuming that withoutstate support, it would simply decay. M a d r a s as continued to exist and eventhrived; indeed, they extended their influence to the steppe, where morescripturalist forms of religiosity began to spread by the late nineteenth centu ry. The Kazakh elites, however, early began sending their sons to Russianschools in substantial numbers, so that by the turn of the twentieth century, asizable secular Kazakh intelligentsia existed. This group, fluent in Russian andcomfortable in the political ideas of the Russian intelligentsia, began to formulatea Kazakh national identity that had little place in it for Islam as anythingbut a marker of cultural identity.The Russian conquest also brought in its wake printing, the telegraph, andthe railway, which together began to change patterns of intellectual authorityand cultural transmission. One result of this was the emergence of a movementfor cultural reform built around the advocacy of the usul-i jadid, the new(that is, phonetic) method of teaching the Arabic alphabet. Called Jadidism,this movement shared a great deal in common with other modernist movementsin the Muslim world at that time (Khalid 1998). Faced with the challengeposed by the loss of sovereignty to Russian rule and with the perceivedthreat of cultural and economic marginalization, proponents of reform calledupon their compatriots to acquire modern knowledge. Not only was suchknowledge completely congruent with the “true” teachings of Islam, it alonecould allow Muslims to meet the demands of the age and thus ensure their survival.However the Jadids believed that the “true” teachings of Islam had beenobfuscated by centuries of interpretations that had led Muslims astray. Althoughmany of the most prominent Jadids (as the proponents of reformcame to be called) came from learned families, Jadidism rejected the authorityof traditional u l a m a to interpret Islam. Instead, the Jadids argued for a returnto the textual sources of Islam.This was a radically new way of understanding Islam, since it pulled Islamaway from its moorings in local customs and traditions. Indeed, the Jadids denouncedmany local customs as un-Islamic. However, the Jadids’ emphasis onmeeting the “demands of the age” and on progress and enlightenment shifted
1 3 8Islam i n World Cult u r e sthe focus back to the community: Islam could be safeguarded (against boththeological and geopolitical incursions) only if Muslims achieved success inthis world. Islam thus became the defining characteristic of the nation; indeed,it b e c a m e a nation. “Muslims” were now a community located in historyand geography and existing alongside other communities. “Islam” became acommonly used term, denoting not just a religion but also the community andits members.As with any other nation, the Muslim nation of Central Asia existed alongsidemany others; its essence was political rather than religious. In many Jadidwritings, the distinction between Islam as a faith and Muslims as a communitydisappeared entirely. Thus, Mahmud Xo’ja Behbudiy, the leading Jadid authorof Samarqand, could urge his compatriots to educate their children to become“judges, lawyers, engineers, teachers, the supporters and servants of thenation” so that they “would work for the true faith of Islam” (Behbudiy 1913,155). The true faith, the nation, and progress blended very easily to producewhat could be called a secular Muslim nationalism (Zürcher 1999). Islam wasstill connected to a communal identity, but the relationship had been reversed.The automatic connection between Islam and local custom was questioned,while the Jadids’ fascination with progress undermined respect for custom.At the same time, the Jadids’ fascination with progress allowed them tofind all modern innovations completely congruent with Islam (and indeed demandedby it). Although the Jadids disconnected Islam from local custom,they tied it back to the community through its political and economic interests.The implications were of fundamental importance: If Islam were conceivedas a community, it could exist without explicit reference to Islamic beha v i o r. The implementation of Islamic law was never an issue in the politics ofthe Muslim nation (the question of the Islamization of law belongs to a latergeneration of Islamic thought). In Central Asia (as indeed in much of the Ottomanworld), it was thus possible in the early twentieth century to be agnosticor even an atheist and yet retain a strong Muslim national identity. Recentcrises in the Balkans have forced us to recognize that such forms of identitycontinue to exist among Balkan Muslims; we need to remember how widespreadthe phenomenon was in the early parts of this century.Islam under Soviet RuleThe Russian Revolution and the resulting conquest of power by the Bolshevikstransformed the political and social context in which Islam was reproducedand transmitted. The new regime had an agenda completely different fromthat of its imperial predecessor, which had been content to ensure orderthrough minimal interference in society. The Bolsheviks were committed to a
- Page 98 and 99: Shi’ite Islam in Contemporary Ira
- Page 100 and 101: Shi’ite Islam in Contemporary Ira
- Page 102 and 103: Shi’ite Islam in Contemporary Ira
- Page 104 and 105: Shi’ite Islam in Contemporary Ira
- Page 106 and 107: Shi’ite Islam in Contemporary Ira
- Page 108 and 109: Shi’ite Islam in Contemporary Ira
- Page 110 and 111: Shi’ite Islam in Contemporary Ira
- Page 112: Shi’ite Islam in Contemporary Ira
- Page 116 and 117: D e bati ng Ort h o d ox y, Contest
- Page 118 and 119: D e bati ng Ort h o d ox y, Contest
- Page 120 and 121: D e bati ng Ort h o d ox y, Contest
- Page 122 and 123: D e bati ng Ort h o d ox y, Contest
- Page 124 and 125: D e bati ng Ort h o d ox y, Contest
- Page 126 and 127: D e bati ng Ort h o d ox y, Contest
- Page 128 and 129: D e bati ng Ort h o d ox y, Contest
- Page 130 and 131: D e bati ng Ort h o d ox y, Contest
- Page 132 and 133: D e bati ng Ort h o d ox y, Contest
- Page 134 and 135: D e bati ng Ort h o d ox y, Contest
- Page 136 and 137: D e bati ng Ort h o d ox y, Contest
- Page 138 and 139: D e bati ng Ort h o d ox y, Contest
- Page 140 and 141: D e bati ng Ort h o d ox y, Contest
- Page 142: D e bati ng Ort h o d ox y, Contest
- Page 146 and 147: Islam in Contemporary Central Asia
- Page 150 and 151: Islam in Contemporary Central Asia
- Page 152 and 153: Islam in Contemporary Central Asia
- Page 154 and 155: Islam in Contemporary Central Asia
- Page 156 and 157: Islam in Contemporary Central Asia
- Page 158 and 159: Islam in Contemporary Central Asia
- Page 160 and 161: Islam in Contemporary Central Asia
- Page 162 and 163: Islam in Contemporary Central Asia
- Page 164 and 165: Muslims at a shrine in Bukhara, Uzb
- Page 166 and 167: Islam in Contemporary Central Asia
- Page 168 and 169: Islam in Contemporary Central Asia
- Page 170: Islam in Contemporary Central Asia
- Page 174 and 175: Islam in China 1 6 3Kurds now make
- Page 176 and 177: Islam in China 1 6 5sue for some Tu
- Page 178 and 179: Islam in China 1 6 7it that religio
- Page 180 and 181: Islam in China 1 6 9tion of large n
- Page 182 and 183: Islam in China 1 7 1Muslim national
- Page 184 and 185: Islam in China 1 7 3rather recent p
- Page 186 and 187: Islam in China 1 7 5A Muslim Uyghur
- Page 188 and 189: Islam in China 1 7 7While further r
- Page 190 and 191: Islam in China 1 7 9pressure and wi
- Page 192: Islam in China 1 8 1Israeli, Raphae
- Page 196 and 197: Muslim Thought and Practice in Cont
<strong>Islam</strong> <strong>in</strong> Contemporary Central Asia 1 3 7group <strong>in</strong> society. These differences have had important consequences dur<strong>in</strong>gthe modern period.Reform and ModernismPractices associated with the transmission of <strong>Islam</strong> survived the Russian conquest.Pa<strong>in</strong>fully aware of the th<strong>in</strong>ness of Russian rule <strong>in</strong> the area and of its distancefrom Sa<strong>in</strong>t Petersburg and supremely confident of the superiority of theEuropean civilization they brought to Central Asia, Russian adm<strong>in</strong>istrators embarkedon a policy of disregard<strong>in</strong>g or ignor<strong>in</strong>g <strong>Islam</strong>, assum<strong>in</strong>g that withoutstate support, it would simply decay. M a d r a s as cont<strong>in</strong>ued to exist and eventhrived; <strong>in</strong>deed, they extended their <strong>in</strong>fluence to the steppe, where morescripturalist forms of religiosity began to spread by the late n<strong>in</strong>eteenth centu ry. The Kazakh elites, however, early began send<strong>in</strong>g their sons to Russianschools <strong>in</strong> substantial numbers, so that by the turn of the twentieth century, asizable secular Kazakh <strong>in</strong>telligentsia existed. This group, fluent <strong>in</strong> Russian andcomfortable <strong>in</strong> the political ideas of the Russian <strong>in</strong>telligentsia, began to formulatea Kazakh national identity that had little place <strong>in</strong> it for <strong>Islam</strong> as anyth<strong>in</strong>gbut a marker of cultural identity.The Russian conquest also brought <strong>in</strong> its wake pr<strong>in</strong>t<strong>in</strong>g, the telegraph, andthe railway, which together began to change patterns of <strong>in</strong>tellectual authorityand cultural transmission. One result of this was the emergence of a movementfor cultural reform built around the advocacy of the usul-i jadid, the new(that is, phonetic) method of teach<strong>in</strong>g the Arabic alphabet. Called Jadidism,this movement shared a great deal <strong>in</strong> common with other modernist movements<strong>in</strong> the Muslim world at that time (Khalid 1998). Faced with the challengeposed by the loss of sovereignty to Russian rule and with the perceivedthreat of cultural and economic marg<strong>in</strong>alization, proponents of reform calledupon their compatriots to acquire modern knowledge. Not only was suchknowledge completely congruent with the “true” teach<strong>in</strong>gs of <strong>Islam</strong>, it alonecould allow Muslims to meet the demands of the age and thus ensure their survival.However the Jadids believed that the “true” teach<strong>in</strong>gs of <strong>Islam</strong> had beenobfuscated by centuries of <strong>in</strong>terpretations that had led Muslims astray. Althoughmany of the most prom<strong>in</strong>ent Jadids (as the proponents of reformcame to be called) came from learned families, Jadidism rejected the authorityof traditional u l a m a to <strong>in</strong>terpret <strong>Islam</strong>. Instead, the Jadids argued for a returnto the textual sources of <strong>Islam</strong>.This was a radically new way of understand<strong>in</strong>g <strong>Islam</strong>, s<strong>in</strong>ce it pulled <strong>Islam</strong>away from its moor<strong>in</strong>gs <strong>in</strong> local customs and traditions. Indeed, the Jadids denouncedmany local customs as un-<strong>Islam</strong>ic. However, the Jadids’ emphasis onmeet<strong>in</strong>g the “demands of the age” and on progress and enlightenment shifted